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  1. Meaning postulates and the model-theoretic approach to natural language semantics.Thomas Ede Zimmermann - 1999 - Linguistics and Philosophy 22 (5):529-561.
  • Choice functions and the scopal semantics of indefinites.Yoad Winter - 1997 - Linguistics and Philosophy 20 (4):399-467.
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  • Self-commuting quantifiers.Dag Westerståhl - 1996 - Journal of Symbolic Logic 61 (1):212-224.
    We characterize the generalized quantifiers Q which satisfy the scheme $QxQy\phi \leftrightarrow QyQx\phi$ , the so-called self-commuting quantifiers, or quantifiers with the Fubini property.
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  • ‘By’: A refutation of the Anscombe Thesis.Benjamin Schnieder - 2008 - Linguistics and Philosophy 31 (6):649 - 669.
    The paper has two main objectives: first, it presents a new argument against the so-called Anscombe Thesis (if χ φ-s by ψ-ing, then χ's φ-ing = χ's ψ-ing). Second, it develops a proposal about the syntax and semantics of the 'by'-locution.
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  • Relational Syllogisms with Numerical Quantifiers and Beyond.Ka-fat Chow - 2021 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 31 (1):1-34.
    In the first half of this paper, we present a fragment of relational syllogisms named RELSYLL consisting of quantified statements with a special set of numerical quantifiers, and introduce a number of concepts that are useful for the later sections, including indirect reduction, quantifier transformations and equivalence of syllogisms. After determining the valid and invalid syllogisms in RELSYLL, we then introduce two Derivation Methods which can be used to derive valid relational syllogisms based on known valid simple syllogisms. We also (...)
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  • Scope dominance with monotone quantifiers over finite domains.Gilad Ben-Avi & Yoad Winter - 2004 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 13 (4):385-402.
    We characterize pairs of monotone generalized quantifiers Q1 and Q2 over finite domains that give rise to an entailment relation between their two relative scope construals. This relation between quantifiers, which is referred to as scope dominance, is used for identifying entailment relations between the two scopal interpretations of simple sentences of the form NP1–V–NP2. Simple numerical or set-theoretical considerations that follow from our main result are used for characterizing such relations. The variety of examples in which they hold are (...)
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  • Directions in Generalized Quantifier Theory.Dag Westerståhl & J. F. A. K. van Benthem - 1995 - Studia Logica 55 (3):389-419.
    We give a condensed survey of recent research on generalized quantifiers in logic, linguistics and computer science, under the following headings: Logical definability and expressive power, Polyadic quantifiers and linguistic definability, Weak semantics and axiomatizability, Computational semantics, Quantifiers in dynamic settings, Quantifiers and modal logic, Proof theory of generalized quantifiers.
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  • Scope dominance with upward monotone quantifiers.Alon Altman, Ya'Acov Peterzil & Yoad Winter - 2005 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 14 (4):445-455.
    We give a complete characterization of the class of upward monotone generalized quantifiers Q1 and Q2 over countable domains that satisfy the scheme Q1 x Q2 y φ → Q2 y Q1 x φ. This generalizes the characterization of such quantifiers over finite domains, according to which the scheme holds iff Q1 is ∃ or Q2 is ∀ (excluding trivial cases). Our result shows that in infinite domains, there are more general types of quantifiers that support these entailments.
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  • New directions for proof theory in linguistics. ESSLLI 2007 course reader.Anna Szabolcsi & Chris Barker - manuscript
  • Scope and binding.Anna Szabolcsi - 2011 - In von Heusinger, Maienborn & Portner (eds.), Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning, Vol. 2. de Gruyter Mouton.
    The first part of this article (Sections 1–5) focuses on the classical notions of scope and binding and their formal foundations. It argues that once their semantic core is properly understood, it can be implemented in various different ways: with or without movement, with or without variables. The second part (Sections 6–12) takes up the empirical issues that have redrawn the map in the past two decades. It turns out that scope is not a primitive. Existential scope and distributive scope (...)
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  • Indépendance faible des quantificateurs.Richard Zuber - 2007 - Logique Et Analyse 198:173-178.
    Quanti cateurs Q1 et Q2 du type <1> sont faiblement indépendants si et seulement si Q1Q2(R) = Q2Q1(R1) pour toute relation- produit R. On donne une condition suf sante et nécessaire pour que deux quanti cateurs soient faiblement indépendants.
     
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