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Moral Economies in Science: From Ideal to Pragmatic

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Abstract

In the following pages we discuss three historical cases of moral economies in science: Drosophila genetics, late twentieth century American astronomy, and collaborations between American drug companies and medical scientists in the interwar years. An examination of the most striking differences and similarities between these examples, and the conflicts internal to them, reveals constitutive features of moral economies, and the ways in which they are formed, negotiated, and altered. We critically evaluate these three examples through the filters of rational choice, utility, and American pragmatism, using the latter to support the conclusion that there is no single vision of moral economies in science and no single theory—moral, political, social—that will explain them. These filters may not be the only means through which to evaluate the moral economies examined, but aspects of each appear prominent in all three cases. In addition, explanations for decisions are often given in the language of these theories, both at the macro (policy) level and at the local level of the moral economies we discuss. In light of such factors, the use of these frameworks seems justified. We begin with an attempt to define the nature of moral economies, then move to a consideration of scientific communities as moral communities operating within material and other constraints which we relate to wider questions of political economy and societal accountabilities.

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Notes

  1. The literature on moral economies is dominated by descriptions of closely knit peasant communities where economic activity is subordinate to group norms about work, co-operation, consumption, responsibility, dependence, and obligation. See for example, Thompson (1993), Scott (1976).

  2. Merton argues that Science is an autonomous institution, separate from the wider society. Its status is guaranteed by adherence to four immutable norms of scientific inquiry, which require scientific knowledge to be: Communal—belonging to everyone and owned by no one; Universal rather than particularistic, in the creation and evaluation of knowledge; Disinterested—free of bias and self-interest, a status policed by the institution of peer review; and dependent on ‘Organized Skepticism—in that novel research claims are subject to detached and critical scrutiny. See Merton (1973); for counter norms see Ziman (1994).

  3. California, Chicago, Harvard, Wisconsin, Michigan, Indiana and Ohio State.

  4. UK, Canada, Australia, Chile, Brazil, Argentina. Capital costs were $184 million; annual operating costs are $20 million of which the partners pay half. See McCray (2000, p. 687).

  5. See for example: Atkinson-Grosjean (1998, 2002) Adventures in the nature of trade: the quest for ‘relevance’ and ‘excellence’ in Canadian science. Unpublished PhD dissertation; Atkinson-Grosjean (2006).

  6. “Drug houses” refers to pharmaceutical companies, while those fully listing ingredients and marketing through medical professionals are known as ethical houses.

  7. We thank Minerva’s anonymous reviewers for pointing out this important distinction.

  8. E.g. thinkers like John von Neumann, Oskar Morgenstern, Kenneth J. Arrow, and Mancur Olson.

  9. We thank Minerva’s anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and clarifications on this point.

  10. The theoretical analysis here benefitted greatly from the comments of reviewers.

  11. However, one can perform their ‘utilitarian calculus’ correctly and still end up with a morally undesirable outcome. Judged in utilitarian terms, the action is wrong, but moral blame may not accrue to the decision maker so long as the principle of utility was applied correctly given the information and opportunities available. So, correct moral thinking can lead to incorrect moral decisions.

  12. Thank you to the Minerva reviewers for their helpful comments on the importance of locally formed epistemologies.

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Acknowledgments

We gratefully acknowledge the support of Genome Canada through the Pathogenomics of Innate Immunity project. We also thank the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and recommendations.

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Correspondence to Janet Atkinson-Grosjean.

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Atkinson-Grosjean, J., Fairley, C. Moral Economies in Science: From Ideal to Pragmatic. Minerva 47, 147–170 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-009-9121-7

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