On Discursive Respect
Thomas M. Besch
Abstract: Constructivism often expresses a commitment to discursive respect. The paper
explores interdependencies between three dimensions of discursive respect, namely, its
depth, scope, and purchase. It identifies challenges for constructivist attempts to locate
discursive respect in the normative space defined by these dimensions, and considers
whether there can be a coherent conception of discursive respect that is plausibly deep,
inclusive in scope, and meaningfully rich in purchase. I suggest that locating discursive
respect within the matrix of discursive inclusion is a task partly beyond constructivism,
especially if discursive respect, or the constitutive discursive standing that it accords, is
an important good.
Keywords: respect; justification; discursive inclusion; O’Neill; Rawls; Forst; constructivism
1.
It is a widely held conviction that people not only have moral standing,
but that they should be accorded a discursive form of such standing.
Where we take others to have moral standing—or accord them baseline
moral status, or include them within the scope of our moral concern—we
take it that there are noninstrumental, moral reasons to protect or support
them or their good. Where we accord discursive standing, we take it that
the way in which they may be related to, for example, in protecting or
supporting them, must follow grounds, widely conceived, that are, in
some relevant sense, acceptable by them. In practice and in theory, this
familiar moral conception is often taken to mark a core ingredient of
what it takes to respect others, to recognize their dignity, or to duly respond to their capacities for autonomy, reason, communication, or normative deliberation—to mention just a few of the things that are sometimes invoked to bring out what it is about people that calls for their discursive standing.
Alas, it is contested what discursive standing actually calls for and
how its demands are best brought to bear on our practices of reasoning,
argument, and decision-making. Some, and notably constructivists (see
below), take it to impose meaningful constraints on these practices. Others
Copyright 2014 by Social Theory and Practice, Vol. 40, No. 2 (April 2014): 207-231.
DOI: 10.5840/soctheorpract201440214
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reject that it does this, but value it nonetheless. Take two extremes:
Rawls-type political constructivism, and Platonism. According to the
former, the goodness of reasons for principles of justice is, as Stephen
Macedo has aptly put it, “entirely a function of their capacity to gain
widespread agreement among reasonable people.”1 On a Platonist view,
by contrast, the goodness of good reasons is a property that holds or does
not hold independently of whether anyone sees that this is so, while unanimity about a just social order is nevertheless seen as a good—at least
where it is rational, or derives, or could derive, from the proper appreciation of the merits of a just order.2 Views of either kind attach importance
to the acceptability and the goodness of reasons, but they posit different
relationships between these things—or, say, different directions of fit.
Political constructivism construes the goodness of good reasons in terms
of their acceptability by relevant other people. Platonism reverses this
order and judges the value of the acceptability of reasons in terms of
their goodness. It values rational acceptability, and identifies acceptance
as rational on acceptability-independent grounds: it hence seeks “normative” consent, or “ideal” unanimity.3
This prompts a distinction between strong, constitutive kinds of discursive standing, and weaker, derivative kinds. Let me suppose that
where we are reasonable, we are committed to acting on grounds that, at
least as far as we can ascertain at the time, are good. Thus, where Betty,
who is reasonable, accords to Paul constitutive discursive standing, she is
committed to acting on grounds that are both good and acceptable, but
takes it, as well, that the goodness of these grounds is at least partly a
function of, or is constituted by, their acceptability by Paul. And where
she accords to Paul derivative standing, she is committed to acting on
grounds that are both good and acceptable, but rather than taking their
acceptability to be a condition of their goodness, she takes their acceptability, or valuable forms of it, to be a consequence of, or to derive from,
their goodness. While the contrast involved here matters greatly, it
should not be overdrawn: these kinds of standing are best seen as ideal
1
Stephen Macedo, Liberal Virtues (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 46 f. (my
emphasis). See also John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1993), esp. lecture III.
2
This follows Onora O’Neill’s exposition of Platonism: see her Toward Justice and
Virtue (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 38-65, and Bounds of Justice
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), chap. 1. Plato took unanimity about a
just social order to be a (nonjustificatory) component of its perfection: see Plato, The
Republic, trans. Desmond Lee (London: Penguin Books, 2007), p. 136 (432a).
3
Thomas Nagel refers to this as “ideal” unanimity: see his Equality and Partiality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 33 f. David Estlund speaks of “normative” consent: see his Democratic Authority (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 10.
On Discursive Respect
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types that are located on opposite ends of a sliding scale, and so they allow for many intermediate kinds or degrees of discursive standing (I
shall return to this).
Let me speak of discursive respect where we accord to others the
strong, constitutive kind of discursive standing. What I want to do here is
to explore dimensions of discursive respect, that is, depth, scope, and
purchase, their tenuous interdependence, and some deep challenges that a
calibration of such respect in these dimensions poses for constructivism.
To bring my topic into sharper focus, let me briefly state what I take the
term “constructivism” to refer to. For my purposes, any practice or conception of moral or political reasoning, justification, or decision-making
will count as “constructivist” if, for a given domain of views, D (e.g.,
moral principles, value judgments, views of what is reasonable), it endorses a generic standard such as:
GS: D-type views are φ only if they are authoritatively acceptable by the
relevant others,
where “φ” is a predicate indicating a form of epistemic or practical authority or merit, widely conceived (e.g., “right,” “valid,” “reasonable,”
“legitimate”), while “authoritatively acceptable” refers to the kind of acceptability that is taken to confer that merit (e.g., reasonable, rational,
coherent acceptability), and “relevant others” to (actual or possible)
agents by whom D-type views must be acceptable to earn that merit.4
4
While constructivism is often conceptualized as a form of anti-realism, eminent
variants of constructivism aspire to remain agnostic about realism, such as Rawls’s “political” constructivism: see Rawls, Political Liberalism, esp. lecture III. Thus, GS makes
no reference to anti-realism. As an anonymous reviewer has observed, it is an open question whether GS captures all variants of constructivism in moral and political philosophy;
but we may take it that GS captures at least many paradigmatic variants of it. Works that
are constructivist in GS’s sense can vary widely. Amongst others, they include Brian
Barry, Justice as Impartiality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); Seyla Behabib,
“Another Universalism: On the Unity and Diversity of Human Rights,” in Dignity in
Adversity: Human Rights in Turbulent Times (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011), chap. 4;
Rainer Forst, The Right to Justification: Elements of a Constructivist Theory of Justice,
trans. Jeffrey Flynn (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Gerald Gaus, The
Order of Public Reason (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); David Gauthier, Morals by Agreement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); Jürgen Habermas,
Wahrheit und Rechtfertigung (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1999). R.M. Hare construes moral objectivity in constructivist terms: see his “Rationalism,” in Sorting Out
Ethics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); Christine Korsgaard, The Sources of
Normativity, ed. Onora O’Neill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Charles
Larmore, The Morals of Modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996);
Macedo, Liberal Virtues; O’Neill, Toward Justice and Virtue, and Bounds of Justice;
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, Mass.: Havard University Press, 1971), and
Justice as Fairness: A Restatement, ed. Erin Kelly (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
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I hasten to add two things. First, given its reference to a plurality of
agents, GS effectively identifies constructivism as a variant of normative
intersubjectivism about the relevant merit. However, this can be of little
import where acceptability counts as authoritative and others as relevant
only if conditions are met that neutralize doxastic, voluntative, and other
differences that obtain between real people. For example, if you and I are
relevant, and acceptability by us, given our actual capacities and efforts,
is authoritative, much interpersonal difference might impact what views
can meet GS. Things will be different if what is sought is ideally rational
acceptance by perfectly benevolent, model agents. Second, GS differs
from the claim that D-type views that are φ are authoritatively acceptable. This claim is not specifically constructivist. That there is a close link
between, for example, S’s rightness and S’s authoritative acceptability is
acceptable also by anti-constructivists, such as Platonists. But, we have
seen, rather than construing S’s rightness as a function of its acceptability, they identify acceptance as authoritative if it derives, or can derive,
from an appreciation of S’s rightness. It is distinctively constructivist,
therefore, to accord to authoritative acceptability the rank of constituting
the merit in question.
Discursive respect as a substantive moral commitment may not by
itself commit us to constructivism at the level of philosophical theories
of justice, reasoning, or justification, any more than, say, the idea that
fact differs from fiction commits us to correspondence theories of truth.
Still, at the level of theory, it is part of the normative core of constructivism to express a commitment to discursive respect at whatever level of
thought, argument, or decision-making a constructivist acceptability
standard—that is, an instantiation of GS—is being applied. But just how
deep can this commitment be, or how fundamental in the order of justification? How inclusive in scope, or its range of beneficiaries, can it be?
And, crucially, what purchase, or value for its recipients, can discursive
respect aspire to have, especially where it is deep and inclusive? I shall
argue that the task of calibrating discursive respect, or of locating it in
the normative space defined by the three dimensions of depth, scope, and
purchase, is partly, and importantly, an ethical task beyond constructivist
means. This, we shall see, casts doubt on the idea of a form of discursive
respect that is deep, plausibly inclusive, and meaningfully rich in purPress, 2001); Crispin Wright, Truth and Objectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1992). For a more detailed view of constructivism as a form of intersubjectivism,
see Thomas M. Besch, On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Oxford, 2004), chap. 1. For related views, see Miriam Ronzoni, “Constructivism and Practical Reason: On Intersubjectivity, Abstraction, and Judgment,”
Journal of Moral Philosophy 7 (2010): 74-104; and Mark LeBar, “Aristotelian Constructivism,” Social Philosophy and Policy 25, no. 1 (2008): 182-213.
On Discursive Respect
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chase. This does not suggest that we should jettison the commitment to
discursive respect, or constructivism, for that matter. But it does suggest
that the task of reconciling the dimensions of discursive respect might
not allow for widely shareable results. We have reasons to concede that
this task needs to be addressed on nonconstructivist grounds; accordingly, derivative discursive standing seems more fundamental in the order of justification than constitutive standing—especially if the latter is
an important good.
My discussion comes in six sections. Sections 2 and 3 address dimensions of discursive respect. Section 2 focuses on depth and scope; section
3 engages purchase. As discursive respect builds on a notion of “acceptable” grounds, it can vary in purchase depending on what notion it supposes. Selecting such a notion, in turn, is a substantive, partly ethical
matter. On this basis, sections 4 and 5 explore the task of calibrating discursive respect in its three dimensions. Section 4 argues that constructivism is insufficient to calibrate the purchase of discursive respect; section 5
identifies interdependencies between these dimensions that help to conceptualize further limitations of constructivisms. Section 6 then completes the argument by considering various strategies to arrive at a coherent calibration of discursive respect, but finds each of them wanting. This
calls into question whether there can be a coherent form of discursive
respect that is deep, plausibly inclusive, and meaningfully rich in purchase.
Let me add two more things before I start. First, a twofold distinction
should get out of the way. There is a difference between agent-focused
and recipient-focused discursive inclusion, and interactional and institutional inclusion. Betty’s commitment to Paul’s discursive standing can
take the agent-focused form of a commitment to (i) her not relating to
him on grounds he cannot accept, or the recipient-focused form of the
commitment to (ii) him not being related to on grounds he cannot accept.
In the case of (i), it is clear, if it ever is, what is asked of Betty to do her
part in satisfying the commitment: that is, her not relating to Paul in a
certain way. In the case of (ii), more is needed, but it may not be clear
what else is asked for. Whatever its implications, though, this distinction
must be crossed with another. Both (i) and (ii) are interactional: they
mark cases in which concrete empirical agents accord discursive standing to other such agents.5 But there are important forms of discursive
standing that are not accorded interactively—or not in this narrow sense.
For instance, we can assess social or political institutions, widely conceived, in light of the discursive standing they accord to people. For ex5
On this and other kinds of agents, see Georg H. Von Wright, Norm and Action
(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963), pp. 37 ff.
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ample, political decision-making that dictatorially imposes policy on citizens accords to them lesser discursive standing, if any, than democratic
decision-making that accords to all affected others the power of veto. To
take this into account, we may think of institutional discursive inclusion
in terms of the discursive standing that institutions accord to their recipients. The relationship between interactional and institutional discursive
inclusion is complex, but we may simplify things. Let me treat institutional discursive inclusion as a species of interactional inclusion, or as a
function of the discursive standing that collective or nonempirical
agents—for example, governments, legislative bodies, groups—accord to
individuals. Accordingly, I take it that institutional inclusion, too, can
have agent-focused and recipient-focused varieties, but I will now set
aside the difference between these things to focus on what they have in
common (or so I claim).
Next, as the last paragraph suggests, I approach my topic with a focus
on discursive inclusion—or the relationship through which discursive
standing is being accorded, or recognized. This marks a wider perspective than a focus on discursive respect, especially if we associate the latter with a constructivist stand. However, the dimensions of discursive
respect that matter here in the first instance are dimensions of discursive
inclusion, and they define, I submit, a normative space within which a
wider family of ideas of discursive standing and inclusion may be located. This includes, as well, nonconstructivist ideas and political ideas of
deliberative standing, enfranchisement, and participation, for example,
the idea of communicative freedom,6 or the ideas of a right to participate
democratically7 and of a right to initiate public deliberation as a democratic minimum.8 Yet this goes beyond what can be argued here. Thus,
while what I say on depth, scope, and purchase applies more widely, my
focus throughout is on discursive respect and on limits of constructivism.
2.
Discursive inclusion may be represented as a structure of the following
form:
DI: X accords α to Y in relation to T,
6
Benhabib, Dignity in Adversity, p. 147 and pp. 67 ff.
Thomas W. Pogge, “Cosmopolitanism and Sovereignty,” Ethics 103 (1992): 48-75,
p. 64.
8
James Bohman, Democracy Across Borders (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2007),
p. 52.
7
On Discursive Respect
213
where “X” refers to the agent of discursive inclusion—for example, an
individual, a group, or institution, “Y” to its recipient, “α” to the sort of
discursive standing that is being accorded, and “T” to the task or subject
matter in relation to which this standing is being accorded—for example,
the justification or selection or justification of reasons, principles, or
policies, as correct, reasonable, legitimate, or as the ones to implement.
Accordingly, instantiations of DI can vary in several dimensions, including the following:
(i) Who accords discursive standing?
(ii) Who, or what group of recipients, is being accorded discursive
standing?
(iii) How deep is discursive inclusion? At what levels of thought, argument, or decision-making are others being accorded discursive
standing?
(iv) What normative impact, strength, or purchase does the standing
have that is being accorded?
I shall focus on (ii), (iii) and (iv), that is, the dimensions of scope, depth,
and purchase. I shall begin with depth and scope.9
Take depth first. Discursive inclusion can play its role not only in the
selection of first-order reasons—or, in political contexts, in relation to
actual voting on token policy proposals—but at many different levels of
thought, argument, or decision-making, including levels that are fundamental in the order of justification. Discursive inclusion varies in depth,
then, depending on the level of thought, argument, or decision-making at
which the commitment to such standing is expressed. Take a Forst-type
“right to justification” and a Kantian constructivist “requirement of
followability” of the sort advanced by Onora O’Neill. For Rainer Forst,
agents have a right to being given reciprocally acceptable reasons in matters that affect them, that is, reasons that are as acceptable to the reasongiver as they are to the reason-taker. As Forst claims, this is a right to a
qualified “veto” in such matters10—and so is a right to a strong form of
9
That discursive inclusion has various dimensions has been noted before; e.g., John
Dryzek distinguishes between three dimensions of democratization, i.e., “franchise,” or
the range of people “capable of participating effectively in collective decision,” and
“scope,” or the range of “issues and areas of life potentially under democratic control,” as
well as “authenticity,” or the degree in which political participation is “real rather than
symbolic.” See his Deliberative Democracy and Beyond (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000), esp. pp. 8, 29, 86 f. My distinction between scope, depth, and purchase is
independent from Dryzek’s, but his dimensions can be related to the ones suggested here;
i.e., franchise is a function of what I call scope, authenticity a function of purchase, and
Dryzek’s scope overlaps with what I call depth.
10
See Rainer Forst, “The Justification of Human Rights and the Basic Right to Justifi-
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discursive respect. Relatedly, O’Neill sees followability as a requirement
of all reasoned thought: in her view, an agent’s deliberation, to be reasoned or reasonable, must be followable, or coherently acceptable, by
everyone the agent takes to be affected by it.11 Now, Betty’s belief that
she may act toward Paul on such-and-such grounds might affect him just
as much as the standards of moral-political justification that are upheld in
Paul’s polity; and there are many scenarios in which the latter might affect him and his life-prospects much more than the former. Thus, a Forsttype right to justification can, and an O’Neill-type requirement of followability clearly does, apply at various levels:
(i) the selection of reasons for action: e.g., R is a good reason to do A
only if R is suitably acceptable as such a reason by all affected
others;
(ii) the justification of first-order practical principles: e.g., for principles
of justice to be correct (or valid, or reasonable), they must be suitably acceptable by all affected others;
(iii) the selection of standards of practical justification: e.g., for anything
to qualify as a standard of the correctness (or validity, or reasonableness) of political principles, it must be suitably acceptable by all
affected others.
Discursive inclusion can reach deeper than (iii). Take again O’Neill’s
Kantian constructivism. On this view, the requirement of followability
states the “supreme principle of reason.”12 It hence is being accorded the
foundational role of a requirement of all reasoning. Consequently, all
attempts at reasoned thought would commit us to accord to others discursive standing, including reasoning about the nature of reasoned thought
itself.
Next, consider scope. As I use the notion here, the scope of discursive
inclusion is given by the range of the recipients of discursive standing, or
the people to whom that standing is being accorded—for example, as
cation: A Reflexive Approach,” Ethics 120 (2010): 711-40, p. 719; “The Basic Right to
Justification: Toward a Constructivist Conception of Human Rights,” Constellations 6
(1999): 35-60, p. 44.
11
Onora O’Neill, “Ethical Reasoning and Ideological Pluralism,” Ethics 98 (1988):
705-22, and “Vindicating Reason,” in Paul Guyer (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to
Kant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), chap. 9; see also O’Neill, Toward
Justice and Virtue, esp. chap. 2.
12
More specifically, O’Neill takes this requirement to state the same principle as the
universal law formula of the Categorical Imperative, and regards the latter as the supreme
principle of reason: see her “Constructivism in Rawls and Kant,” in Samuel Freeman
(ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Rawls (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2003), chap. 9, p. 358.
On Discursive Respect
215
authors and addressees of public justification, as citizens with a right to
vote, as members of the “legitimation-pool” of public policy,13 and so on.
If we assume that moral precepts depend for their authority on their acceptability by reasonable people, then for the task of a justification of
such precepts we discursively include such people. If we assume that
political principles need be acceptable only by compatriots, or peers, or
the right-minded, then we include only such people. Conceptions of
scope often vary greatly in relation not only to the outer boundaries, but
also to the grounds of inclusion. And even where we agree already about
who or what to include discursively, we can still disagree about these
grounds. Betty might argue that the relevant others should be included
owing to their agency, autonomy, personhood, or their connection to
us—to mention just a few of the prominent candidates—while Paul
might argue that their discursive inclusion promotes perfection in them,
in us, or in the polity as a whole.14
Equally important, conceptions of the scope of discursive inclusion
can differ in relation to the ontological status of the recipients of inclusion. The recipients may or may not be empirical agents, or real people
like you and me—be they referred to in specific terms as “concrete others,” or abstractly as “general others.”15 If you include Betty and Paul,
you include empirical agents. But if you include Betty-when-reasonable
and Paul-when-reasonable, or Betty and Paul under the (counterfactual)
supposition that they are reasonable, it is not clear whether you actually,
or directly, include real people.16 If Betty and Paul are not reasonable in
your sense, what you directly include are models of Betty and Paul, or
their hypothetical, idealized twins—which, you take it, set standards for
the actual Betty and Paul insofar as the latter are not always reasonable.
This does not mean that there is no sense in which you can be said to also
include the actual Betty and Paul. But you include them in a filtered, mediated, indirect way: by directly including their idealized twins, you indirectly include the actual Betty and Paul to the extent that they have, or
take themselves to have, reasons to be reasonable in your sense.
13
Marilyn Friedman, “John Rawls and the Political Coercion of Unreasonable People,” in Victoria Davion and Clark Wolf (eds.), The Idea of a Political Liberalism: Essays
on Rawls (Lanham, Md.: Roman & Littlefield, 2000), chap. 1, p. 23.
14
See the range of approaches surveyed by O’Neill in Toward Justice and Virtue, esp.
pp. 91-100.
15
See Seyla Benhabib, “The Generalized and the Concrete Other: The KohlbergGilligan Controversy and Feminist Morality,” in Praxis International 5 (1986): 402-24.
16
David Estlund speaks of “people-when-reasonable”: see his “The Insularity of the
Reasonable: Why Political Liberalism Must Admit the Truth,” Ethics 108 (1998): 25275, p. 259. Larmore invokes counterfactual suppositions of reasonableness: see The Morals of Modernity, p. 142.
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Normatively imbued ideas of the recipients of discursive inclusion
abound. Few variants of constructivism, if any, seek brute, normatively
entirely unqualified consensus. And in relation to many tasks of reasoning and justification, there is compelling reason to invoke qualifications
of some sort. Brute consensus between trusting peers might suffice for
decisions that affect them only, but as a standard for the selection of
principles of justice, it seems outright unreasonable. For what matters
now, let me account for this added complexity by making the simplifying
assumption that normative qualifications of the recipients of discursive
inclusion may be seen as indirect qualifications of the sort of acceptability that is being sought. For example, if, on your view, discursive respect
is owed not to Betty, but to Betty-when-reasonable, then what you take
the goodness of your grounds to depend on is their reasonable acceptability. Thus, qualifications of the recipients of discursive inclusion may
be described in the dimension of the purchase that such inclusion has for
the actual people on its receiving end—that is, even where they are only
indirectly included.
3.
Let me now turn to purchase. Where we accord to others constitutive
discursive standing, we have seen, we commit ourselves to act toward
them on grounds that are both good and acceptable by them, and take
acceptability to place an important constraint on what grounds may qualify as good. Now, many interpretations can be given to the modal element in the idea of acceptability at the core of discursive respect. This
renders this idea notoriously opaque.17 It also allows for various conceptions of discursive respect that differ in purchase.
To illustrate, the claim “S is acceptable by you” could be said to be
true in any of the following scenarios:
(i) You accept S.
(ii) You would not reject S upon consideration.
(iii) You would not be committed to reject S if you were more coherent
and informed than you now are.
(iv) Given the counterfactual condition that you were fully reasonable
and rational, you would not be committed to reject S.
17
See Onora O’Neill, “Between Consenting Adults,” in Constructions of Reason:
Explorations of Kant’s Practical Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge Unviersity Press,
1989), chap. 6, and Toward Justice and Virtue, esp. pp. 57 ff. See also James Bohman
and Henry S. Richardson, “Liberalism, Deliberative Democracy, and ‘Reasons that All
Can Accept’,” The Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (2009): 253-74.
On Discursive Respect
217
(v) It would not be incoherent for you to accept S if you considered S in
the right light and first rejected views you should not accept.
(vi) S is consistent and you have the mental capacity to accept S
(whether or not S is a genuine intellectual or motivational option for
you).
Prior to further specification, it is not incoherent for you to claim that I
do not respect you discursively if I act toward you on grounds that you
cannot now accept coherently. But neither is it incoherent for me to insist
that, despite what you might claim, I do respect you discursively even if I
act toward you on grounds you will never actually be able to accept coherently. It is plain that the value of discursive respect for you varies significantly depending on whether we follow your view or mine. One implication worth observing here is that discursive respect does not by itself
rule out even crude forms of paternalism. For example, if discursive respect builds on a notion of acceptability that is aligned with (v), your
discursive standing may not provide a normative safeguard against the
imposition on you of some conception of the good that you quite reasonably resent—the normative weight of your rejection of that conception
can be countered by the consideration that you would change your mind
if you appreciated matters in a very different, and, as others see it, proper
light. Whatever normative safeguard against paternalism constitutive
discursive standing provides, then, its role as a safeguard does not so
much stem from the constitutive role of acceptability, but from the interpretation attached to the notion of acceptability.
Any conception of discursive respect must build on some notion of
acceptability. And, we have just seen, conceptions of discursive respect
can vary in purchase depending on what notion they build on. Discursive
respect will have much purchase for you if I am to regard the fact that
you are committed to reject my reasons, principles, or grounds, widely
conceived, given what you now believe, as showing that these grounds
fail to be suitably acceptable by you—suitably acceptable, that is, as
called for by discursive respect. In this case, the actual you, or your actual views and volitions, normatively impacts what I may see as a good
reason to act on toward you. Discursive respect can have little purchase
for you if I may take my grounds to be suitably acceptable by you so
long as I see reason to believe that you would not be committed to reject
them if you viewed them in what I take to be the right light—even if it is
inconsistent from your actual point of view to accept my grounds or to
ever view them in this light. In this case, the actual you, or your actual
views and volitions, may have no impact on what, I take it, I may regard
as suitably acceptable grounds—the actual you, that is, as opposed to
your idealized twin that only considers things in what I take to be the
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right light. And of course there is much middle ground between an
actualist conception of discursive respect that takes a simple rejection of
S as showing that the needed kind of acceptability does not obtain, and a
strongly counterfactualizing conception that can end up neutralizing the
impact of even well-considered and conscientious rejections where they
do not meet exclusionary threshold tests of some kind.
This underpins a conjecture that surfaced earlier, namely, that discursive inclusion comes in degrees. Other things being equal, actualist discursive respect would seem to give greatest weight to the actual views
and volitions of other people. Once we begin to normatively qualify, filter, or otherwise bracket the views and volitions that are actually being
held by people, their impact decreases and a gap opens between the actual and the normative acceptability of our grounds. This gap widens as
these qualifications become more exclusive, as measured in terms of the
normative distance between what it takes to meet these qualifications and
what people actually are like. For example, if discursive respect is to
build on “reasonable” acceptability, this gap will be narrow if “reasonableness” is understood in such a way that it is easy for average people to
be “reasonable”; the gap will be wide if “reasonableness” is construed in
terms that make it very hard for average people to qualify as “reasonable.” And as that gap widens, the purchase of discursive respect decreases. In the limiting case, constitutive discursive standing can become indistinguishable from derivative discursive standing. Consider again a
counterfactualizing conception of discursive respect. Such a conception
may leave the consideration of what others actually accept with little impact on what may count as good grounds to act on toward them.
Let me pause to note that selecting a notion of acceptability for the
purposes of discursive respect is not a matter of mere linguistic policy. It
is a substantive, partly ethical task.18 The value that discursive respect
has for its recipients largely depends on the purchase it has for them; and
the notion of acceptability at its core is part of what gives it that purchase. Correspondingly, whatever notion we adopt, it links our conception of discursive respect to some view of the minimal competency that,
we take it, others must have for their nonacceptance of our grounds to
call into question their goodness. It thereby enshrines in that conception a
view of the baseline normative influence that actual others, through their
actual views and volitions, may exact on their social environment. Expectably, then, the purchase of discursive standing matters for an agent’s
18
Let me note that I use the term “ethical” here in an intuitive, nontechnical, ordinary
language sense. I do not imply that the task in question is ethical as opposed to moral. I
will address the way in which the ethicality of this task relates to an influential, technical
distinction between the “ethical” and the “moral” in the next section.
On Discursive Respect
219
self-respect—seen as an important primary good.19 It may be difficult to
pinpoint the effects of token varieties of discursive standing, given its
varieties and degrees, the different levels of thought, argument, or decision-making at which they can be accorded, and considering, as well, the
difficulty of isolating these effects from those of the more substantive
precepts agents act on in relating to the recipients of that standing. Still,
as it has often been observed, it is part of the social basis of our selfrespect that others recognize us as meriting a due measure of moral protection or support—due, that is, as assessed by standards that are not inappropriate by our own lights. Thus, there will be a close link between
purchase and self-respect. If we see ourselves and others as being of
equal worth, the contribution that others’ recognition can make to our
sense of self-worth is hollow where they do not also view us as having,
or meriting, (at least) equal say in matters that affect us—such as the
standards by which we are being allocated a measure of protection or
support. Note that the issue here is not whether we are being accorded
constitutive discursive standing if others are. The issue is whether the
purchase of our standing matches theirs—be it constitutive or derivative
standing. Your sense of self-worth will be stifled if, as far as you can tell,
others whom you regard as co-authors of standards that apply to you do
not regard you as an equal co-author of these standards—but see you as a
second-class citizen, a mere recipient, or a mere moral client. The experience of being accorded less-than-equal say in matters that affect you
can turn the benefit of activity or policy that protects or supports into
something that at the same time humiliates, antagonizes, alienates, or
breeds resentment.
Purchase matters not only where equality stands to be recognized. As
Rawls notes, one aspect in which the citizens of a democratic regime
view themselves as free
is that they regard themselves as self-authenticating sources of valid claims. That is, they
regard themselves as being entitled to make claims on their institutions so as to advance
their conceptions of the good … These claims citizens regard as having weight of their
own apart from being derived from duties and obligations specified by a political conception of justice, for example, from duties and obligations owed to society.20
However, the recognitive importance of self-conception as a selfauthenticating source of valid claims need not be tied to the political selfconception of citizens of a democratic regime. Nor must its focus be limited to the making of claims on institutions in pursuit of a conception of
the good. Perhaps aligned better with the views of the earlier Rawls, if
19
Rawls, A Theory of Justice, pp. 440 ff.
See Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement, p. 23.
20
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we view ourselves as free moral agents, we view ourselves as selfauthenticating sources of valid claims in the space of moral reasons more
generally.21 We take ourselves to be entitled to make claims on others in
relation to what they regard as good moral reasons in matters that affect
us—claims, moreover, that may be defeasible but that, we believe, have
weight in their own right and merit being taken seriously as such. Thus,
it is part of the social basis of our self-respect as free moral agents that
others recognize us as having this entitlement. And an essential part of
this recognition is that they treat our nonacceptance of what they see as
good reasons as an exercise of discursive freedom that can call into question, or put in need of justification, what they see as good reasons. Thus,
the purchase of the discursive standing that others accord to us is an important part of what determines how accessible for us in practice this entitlement is.
None of this can claim to do justice to the many ways in which the
purchase of discursive standing can have ethical significance for its recipients—and, needless to add, this ethical significance is not merely a
matter of the recognitive importance of purchase. Still, it suffices to substantiate the point at hand, namely, that the selection of a notion of acceptability for the purposes of discursive respect is a substantive, at least
partly ethical issue.
4.
I shall now begin to engage limitations of constructivism in relation to
the task of calibrating discursive respect, starting with the issue of purchase.
As a point of departure, it may be useful to relate the more intuitive
sense in which the task of calibrating discursive respect is ethical, as I
have said above, with a more technical distinction that some authors, and
notably discourse ethicists, make between the “ethical” and the “moral.”
On this more technical distinction, “ethical” views are taken to (i) express or depend on some conception of the good that (allegedly) can be
rejected reasonably by some relevant others. Hence, it is argued, unlike
their “moral” counterparts, “ethical” views (ii) do not meet strictly impartial requirements of (qualified) acceptability by all relevant others—
for example, Forst’s requirement of reciprocal and general acceptability,
21
While the later Rawls construes self-conception as a self-authenticating source of
valid claims as part of the political self-conception of citizens of a democratic regime, the
earlier Rawls sees it (more plausibly) as part of people’s self-conception as moral agents:
see John Rawls, “Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory,” The Journal of Philosophy
77 (1980): 515-72, pp. 543 ff.
On Discursive Respect
221
or Jürgen Habermas’s universalization principle.22 This distinction between the “ethical” and the “moral” is sometimes employed critically, in
which case conceptions of the good are referred to as “ethical” to signal a
validity shortfall, or limited interpersonal appeal, or reasonable rejectability. How does this relate to the task of calibrating the purchase of discursive respect? Note first that where this distinction is used, (ii) tends to
have systematic priority over (i). In other words, whether a conception of
the good is “ethical” in this technical sense cannot be read off its content
or its linguistic surface (at least not where it could be stated in agentneutral terms). Instead, it is a matter of whether the conception in question fails the acceptability requirement in terms of which the line between “ethical” and “moral” views is drawn. Two things follow. We
need to know in what sense of the notion a conception of the good, or
any other view to which the technical distinction is being applied, must
be acceptable by the relevant others before we can know whether it is
“ethical” or “moral” in the sense of this distinction. Thus, second, the
selection of a notion of acceptability is a prerequisite of that distinction,
or its application. Yet what purchase may discursive respect have for the
purposes of acceptability standards of the sort referred to in (ii)? An answer to this question is not clearly “ethical” or “moral” in the sense of
that distinction. Accordingly, the intuitive sense in which the task of calibrating purchase is ethical precedes, and is part of what grounds, whatever more technical ideas of the “ethical” and the “moral” are carved out
by (i) and (ii).
Now, are constructivist means sufficient to calibrate the purchase of
discursive respect? Such means quickly reach their limits. Let us now
take the following to express constructivism’s commitment to discursive
respect:
D: ψ has epistemic-practical authority (is right, valid, legitimate, reasonable, proper) only if ψ is suitably acceptable by all relevant others.
22
Jürgen Habermas, “Vom pragmatischen, ethischen und moralischen Gebrauch der
praktischen Vernunft,” in Erläuterungen zur Diskursethik (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1991), pp. 100-118; Forst, “Ethics and Morality,” in The Right to Justification, pp.
62-78. This discourse-ethical distinction between the “ethical” and the “moral” is related
to, but not identical with, a distinction between private and public morality that was influential in the Anglo-American debate: see Stuart Hampshire, “Public and Private Morality,” in Stuart Hampshire, T.M. Scanlon, et al., Public and Private Morality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), chap. 2. John Mackie works with a related
distinction when he identifies as a third, distinct stage of universalization a stage where
moral reasoners, in identifying moral norms, are to look beyond the impact of individual
tastes and rival ideals: see his Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong (London: Penguin
Books, 1977), esp. chap. 4.3.
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(D is a variant of GS, above.) Depending on the level of thought at which
ψ is located and the range of others counted as “relevant others,” D varies in depth and scope. As to purchase, since various interpretations can
be given to the italicized part of D, we need to know in light of what notion of acceptability we are to interpret this part before we can know
whether ψ passes D’s test. In adopting such a notion, in turn, we specify
what purchase the discursive respect has that D prescribes. Note that the
point is not that we cannot understand D unless some conception of such
respect is being supposed. Rather, the point is that the condition expressed by D is ambiguous between various possible meanings, and to
that extent indeterminate, so long as it remains open what notion of
acceptability D supposes. And in adopting such a notion, we not only
disambiguate D, but also calibrate the conception of discursive respect
that D reflects or expresses. The latter is the substantive corollary of the
former.
Something similar holds if we appeal to a standard like D to defend,
select or authorize a notion of acceptability for the purposes of discursive
respect:
D1: Building discursive respect on the notion of acceptability N is right
(or legitimate, reasonable, proper) only if awarding to N this status
is suitably acceptable by all relevant others.
Again, we need to know how to interpret the italicized part of D1 before
we can know whether N passes D1’s test. And so long as we lack reassurance that this interpretation should be used, we will lack reassurance
that building discursive respect on N is right. Thus, at any level of
thought, argument, or decision-making at which the constructivist acceptability standard is employed, a notion of acceptability must be supposed already, and with it the view that discursive respect should or may
at that level have the purchase that comes with that notion. Accordingly,
whatever authority this standard has depends, as well, on whether we
should or may adopt that notion and accord discursive respect the corresponding purchase.
It does not follow that it is necessarily circular to invoke a standard
like D to defend, select, or authorize a notion of acceptability for the
purposes of discursive respect. An example will help to substantiate this.
Suppose we adopt a standard like D, but premise it on different notions
of acceptability at different levels of thought, argument, or decisionmaking. Suppose, as well, we ask what acceptability threshold lowerorder, local public policy must meet to be legitimate, and find that the
only reasonably nonrejectable answer is that such policy must be acceptable by all affected persons in light of what they actually believe
On Discursive Respect
223
(whether or not they could reasonably reject the relevant policies). Assume, finally, that we for this reason adopt an actualist conception of
discursive respect as part of the conditions of the legitimacy of public
policy. In this case, the standard by which we adopt the actualist conception itself reflects or expresses a conception of discursive respect—albeit
a different, normatively qualified, nonactualist one that does its work at a
different level of decision-making. Thus, if it stands in need of justification whether actualist discursive respect marks the right acceptability
threshold for the purposes of the legitimacy of local public policy, one
response might be that it is the only such threshold for those purposes
that is reasonably nonrejectable. Whatever its merits, or lack thereof,
such a response would not be circular. To generalize, it is not circular to
invoke a standard like D to defend, select, or authorize a notion of acceptability for the purposes of lower-order exercises of discursive respect,
and this is so at least where the invoked standard builds on a different
acceptability threshold from the one that is defended on its grounds.
But suppose it stands in need of justification what notion of acceptability a standard like D may build on in the first place—say, at the
deepest level of thought, argument, or decision-making at which that
standard may do its normative work (whatever level that is). Evidently,
constructivism’s options here are more limited. We saw that any application of this standard needs to build on some notion of acceptability, while
the authority of the standard depends, as well, on whether it builds on the
notion it should or may build on. But then we cannot without circularity
rely on that standard to defend, select, or authorize the notion of acceptability that it builds on. True, we may need to rely on the standard to
test whether building it on that notion coheres with what the thendisambiguated standard prescribes. This matters where the standard applies reflexively—for example, as a (purported) requirement of all reasoned thought that must pass its own test. Still, it would be the reasons
we have in the first place to build the standard on this notion, rather than
the fact that the then-disambiguated standard passes its own test, that
explain why we should or may build it on that notion. After all, that the
then-disambiguated standard is not self-defeating, or even is selfselective, means little if there are no good reasons to adopt it to begin
with. And these are the reasons we would need to appeal to if the standard, or building it on the relevant notion of acceptability, stands in need
of justification.23
23
This does not deny that there can be a minimum threshold of acceptability that D
must suppose. E.g., the acceptance of S cannot count as authoritative in the matters at
hand unless it is consistent, or locally coherent. But it is not beyond reasonable doubt to
build D on such a minimalist notion of acceptability only. True, S, if it is reasonable, must
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It seems, then, that constructivist means are insufficient to calibrate
the purchase of discursive respect. At any level of its application, the
constructivist acceptability standard needs to build on a notion of acceptability. And should we adopt a notion because, we believe, it marks an
acceptability threshold that is suitably acceptable for its purposes, we
effectively adopt one conception of (calibrated) discursive respect on the
basis of another. This may be enough in some discursive contexts, depending on what, in these contexts, stands in need of justification. But it
does not answer the question of what purchase discursive respect should
have to begin with. This question points us beyond the space of discursive respect. At some level of thought, argument, or decision-making, the
answer must draw on acceptability-independent grounds. Thus, in relation to that answer, the relevant others cannot have constitutive discursive standing, but can at most have derivative standing.
5.
This heralds more general problems brought on by the task of calibrating
discursive respect in all three of its dimensions. It is not clear what the
most plausible position is in the space defined by the dimensions of
depth, scope, and purchase—say, the matrix of discursive inclusion. Still,
other things being equal, high values in all three dimensions seem desirable if constitutive discursive standing is an important good. Yet the idea
of a form of discursive respect that is deep in application, plausibly inclusive in scope, and meaningfully rich in purchase runs into a thicket of
problems.
To explain, let us start from Benhabib’s claim that the “moral point of
view requires that all those who are affected by a norm, a law, a practice
be included in the conversation of justification.”24 This practice accords
to all affected others discursive respect: for Benhabib, justification is an
acceptability-based, intersubjective, constructivist form of justification.
Now, other things being equal, the more inclusive in scope justification
becomes, the more doctrinal diversity will be included within that scope.
As Rawlsians remind us, Western democracies show a persistent diversity of moral, religious, metaphysical and other doctrines and conceptions
of the good; and this diversity increases as the scope of justification extends transnationally, toward the cosmopolitan. Now consider the dimension of purchase. The greater in purchase the discursive standing is that
be such that it could be accepted without inconsistency—which holds so long as S is not
inconsistent. But S’s reasonableness can hardly be a function of its consistent acceptability in this minimal sense.
24
Benhabib, Dignity in Adversity, p. 147.
On Discursive Respect
225
the relevant others enjoy, the more extensive will be the normative impact of their actual views and volitions on what can count as suitably
“acceptable” by them—suitable, that is, as called for by discursive respect. And with this will increase the normative impact of doctrinal, volitional, and other interpersonal differences. Diversity supposed, then,
scope and purchase seem to be interdependent:
SP: Given inclusive scope: the more purchase discursive respect has, the
less normative or evaluative content, such as moral-political principles or value judgments, can qualify as equally, or reciprocally, acceptable by all relevant others. (And so the less content will qualify
as consonant with discursive respect.)
Consider two cases. First, suppose that liberal principles of justice are
reasonable only if they are publicly justifiable to, or equally, or reciprocally, acceptable by all affected others. Assume also we construe this in
terms of an actualist conception of discursive respect, and so take it that
φ is “acceptable” by others in the sense called for here only if φ coheres
with what they actually believe—say, given some uncontroversial degree
of criticality and self-reflection. It is plain that liberal principles cannot
pass such a threshold if public justification includes in its scope on equal
footing people whose convictions are inconsistent with such principles.
But the more inclusive this scope is, the more likely it is that it will include such people, too. Given SP, then, we would face the dilemma to
either accept that there cannot be reasonable liberal principles—or none
that affect anti-liberals—or else concede that anti-liberals cannot (or not
on equal footing) be included within public justification’s scope. To uphold a commitment to liberal principles would accordingly be dogmatic,
or exclusionary, or both. This marks a familiar problem. Arguably,
Rawls adopts an actualist conception of discursive respect and accordingly advances a “populist” view of public justification25 that seeks probable acceptance (rather than possible or hypothetical acceptance). And
Rawls effectively secures liberal principles by taking the second horn of
the noted dilemma: his political liberalism includes in public justification’s scope on equal footing “reasonable” people only, while construing
reasonableness in substantive terms that are from the outset geared toward liberal principles.26
25
Gerald Gaus, Justificatory Liberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp.
130 ff.
26
This is part of the “internal conception” of political liberalism: see Jonathan Quong,
Liberalism Without Perfection (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); see also Thomas
M. Besch, “Political Liberalism, the Internal Conception, and the Problem of Public
Dogma,” Philosophy and Public Issues 2 (2012): 153-77.
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Next, let us factor in the dimension of depth. The interdependence of
scope and purchase can have its problematic impact at any level of
thought, argument, or decision-making at which a commitment to discursive respect is expressed. And as discursive respect increases in depth,
this interdependence can cast doubt on the very coherence of discursive
respect. Suppose, then, we again adopt an actualist conception of discursive respect, but this time take this respect to be deep. Say, we take it to
require not only that moral-political principles must be reciprocally acceptable by all affected others, but also that the grounds on which we
justify or select them as reasonable need be so acceptable. This iterates
the problem just sketched, but now it applies, too, at the level of such
grounds. If relevant others cannot coherently accept, for example, the
emancipatory or egalitarian implications of the idea that reciprocal acceptability by all affected others justifies, these things cannot qualify as
suitably “acceptable,” or as consonant with discursive respect. But given
inclusive scope, it seems inevitable that there will be relevant others who
cannot accept such things. Again, we arrive at a dilemma. We would
need to accept either that moral-political principles may not be required
to be reciprocally acceptable by all affected others, or that people who
cannot accept that such principles must be so acceptable cannot (or not
on equal footing) count as “relevant others.” On the second horn, we
would be dogmatic, or exclusionary, or both. On the first horn, discursive
respect would effectively be rendered incoherent.
Thus, the interdependence of scope and purchase becomes more
tenuous as the depth of discursive respect increases. This, too, is a familiar issue. It relates to the problem of reflexivity that surfaced already: a
constructivist acceptability standard, where it applies to itself, can be
self-defeating if relevant others cannot coherently accept it and discursive respect is rich in purchase. Take again political liberalism. Rawls
and Macedo secure public justification by building a commitment to it
into the “threshold test of reasonableness”27 that people must pass to
merit inclusion on equal footing within its scope. Public justification thus
turns into an exercise of actualist discursive respect between reasonable
people only, while reasonableness becomes “insular.”28 Arguably,
Charles Larmore, too, builds a commitment to public justification—he
calls it “rational dialogue”—into reasonableness, and includes within
public justification’s scope on equal footing reasonable people only.29 In
27
Macedo, Liberal Virtues, p. 47.
On insularity, see Estlund, “The Insularity of the Reasonable.” On the general point
on Macedo and Rawls, see Besch, On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness,
part I.
29
Charles Larmore, “Political Liberalism,” Political Theory 18 (1990): 339-60, and
28
On Discursive Respect
227
his later work on the topic, though, he seeks to evade the problem of reflexivity by curtailing the depth of (discursive) respect for persons. Thus,
he denies that such respect, or the sort of justification it commits to, depends for its importance or authority on its acceptability.30 In relation to
these two things, then, no relevant other is being granted constitutive discursive standing (as we shall find shortly, this marks one of the less implausible strategies to reconcile the dimensions of discursive respect).
Other variants of constructivism are subject to this problem, too, but
seem to fall short of a response altogether. To again revert to views we
encountered earlier, O’Neill’s Kantian followability standard applies reflexively in its (alleged) role as a requirement of all reasoned thought.
Yet, some relevant others will be unable to follow, or coherently accept,
the view that thought can genuinely be reasoned only if it meets that
standard—if followability, or coherent acceptability, is rich in purchase.
The looming problem of self-defeat remains unresolved.31 Forst, in turn,
takes it that people have a right to justification, and he sees the kind of
justification called for here as a matter of meeting a standard of reciprocal acceptability by all affected others. This expresses a commitment to a
strong, more actualist form of discursive respect: the right in question
confers the power of a qualified “veto.”32 But some people to whom the
standard of reciprocal and general acceptability applies will be unable to
coherently accept it, or the interpretation that a Forst-type approach attaches to it. The approach is threatened with self-defeat—a problem that,
again, remains unresolved.33
“Pluralism and Reasonable Disagreement,” Social Philosophy and Policy 11, no. 1
(1994): 61-79. For an analysis that brings out this point, see Besch, On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness, section I.4.
30
Charles Larmore, “The Moral Basis of Political Liberalism,” The Journal of Philosophy 96 (1999): 599-625, p. 608. In earlier writings, he does not seem to curtail the
depth of discursive respect, but instead adopts a contextualist conception of “rational
belief” that allows him to claim that his views of (discursive) respect for persons and
rational dialogue are not in need of justification in the first place. See his “The Foundations of Modern Democracy: Reflections on Jürgen Habermas,” European Journal of
Philosophy 3 (1995): 55-68, and “Beyond Religion and Enlightenment,” in The Morals of
Modernity, chap. 2, esp. pp. 56 ff. For a discussion, see Besch, On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness, sections I.11-I.14.
31
See Thomas M. Besch, “Constructing Practical Reason: O’Neill on the Grounds of
Kantian Constructivism,” The Journal of Value Inquiry 42 (2008): 55-76, and “Kantian
Constructivism, the Issue of Scope, and Perfectionsim: O’Neill on Ethical Standing,”
European Journal of Philosophy 19 (2011): 1-20.
32
See Forst, “The Justification of Human Rights,” p. 719, and “The Basic Right to
Justification,” p. 44.
33
It is worth highlighting that the problem that I attribute to Forst’s constructivism
here is primarily a function of the depth and the purchase that we take a Forst-type right
to justification to have, rather than a matter of whether there are any independent, non-
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6.
Still, there can be coherent positions in the space defined by the dimensions of depth, scope, and purchase—coherent, that is, but perhaps not
plausible, or ethically or otherwise desirable. In light of the above, three
strategies to arrive at a coherent position spring to mind. Each of them
reconciles two of these dimensions effectively at the expense of a third in
an attempt to inoculate pre-selected normative content from the tenuous
effects of the interdependence of scope and purchase. Thus, they shape
discursive respect in the services of prior, substantive commitments, and
so demote it, but with varying degrees of plausibility.
As to a first strategy, we may try to reconcile depth and purchase by
limiting scope. This is the upshot of Rawls’s maneuver to include in public justification’s scope reasonable people only, while defining reasonableness in substantive terms that support liberal principles and the standard of public justification. Political liberalism may still accord discursive standing to the unreasonable. But they at most have discursive
standing of the derivative, weaker kind. The idea of equal, reciprocal
acceptability by all affected others thus seems to go overboard entirely,
and the view we are left with begins to resemble a stretch of exclusionary
public dogma.34
A second strategy is to reconcile scope and depth at the expense of
purchase. This can take various forms. But in essence the point would be
to ensure that S can count as “acceptable” by all relevant others, or consonant with discursive respect, even if some relevant others cannot in
fact accept S coherently. Plainly, there are ways to accomplish this. For
example, liberal principles are “acceptable” by liberals and anti-liberals
alike in the counterfactual sense that none would need to reject these
things if all met threshold tests of Rawlsian, pro-liberal reasonableness.
However, this strategy comes at a cost, too. Decreasing the purchase of
discursive respect diminishes the ethical significance it can have for each
relevant other. And its significance is questionable at best where each
relevant other knows that S can count as “acceptable” by her whether or
not she can actually accept S coherently. Next, while this strategy might
notionally be consistent with the idea of equal, reciprocal acceptability,
constructed reasons to accord to others such a right in the first place. I have suggested
earlier that this right is deep, and Forst clearly takes it to be rich in purchase. Given diversity, then, the problem at hand arises—whether or not there also are nonconstructed
grounds for that right. See also Thomas M. Besch, “Reflections on the Foundations of
Human Rights,” available online at http://philpapers.org/rec/BESROT.
34
See Besch, On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness, part I, esp. sections
I.11-I.14; and Besch, “Political Liberalism, the Internal Conception, and the Problem of
Public Dogma.”
On Discursive Respect
229
in practice it easily runs up against it. For example, perhaps liberal principles can coherently be said to be equally acceptable by liberals and
anti-liberals in a counterfactual sense of the sort just referred to. Even so,
threshold tests of Rawlsian reasonableness, or anything of the type, favor
some outlooks over others, and in this case whatever outlooks are aligned
with liberal values. Accordingly, the second strategy does not fare much
better than the first in matters of dogmatism: in decreasing purchase so as
to ensure, for example, that liberal principles can be said to be acceptable
even by anti-liberals, all we really seem to be doing is to insist, without
further justification, that liberal principles are right and that anti-liberals
are wrong.
The limited plausibility of the first two strategies might recommend a
third: we might attempt to reconcile scope and purchase by curtailing
depth. This, too, can take many forms. But its point is to distinguish between discursive respect and its normative framework, and to construe
discursive respect as inclusive in scope and rich in purchase, while exempting its framework from its demands—in order to defend that framework on acceptability-independent grounds. In principle, this strategy
can be instantiated at various levels of thought, argument, or decisionmaking. For example, we might require localized, lower-order policy that
applies moral-political principles to political matters of limited reach to
be acceptable by all affected others in light of what they actually believe,
while taking these principles themselves to depend for their authority on
acceptability-independent grounds. Or, more fundamentally, and aligned
with Larmore’s way to evade the problem of reflexivity, we might take
it that these principles depend for their authority on their acceptability
by the relevant others, while defending this view on acceptabilityindependent grounds. The relevant others, then, would have two kinds of
standing: at one level of thought, argument, or decision-making, each
would have constitutive discursive standing; at another, more fundamental, level, none would have this standing, but all would have discursive
standing of the derivative, weaker kind. And such a layered allocation of
discursive standing may be better aligned with the idea of equal, reciprocal acceptability by all relevant others than what the first and second
strategy had in tow.
The third strategy may seem plausible and self-suggesting in its own
right—at least if we agree that constitutive discursive standing is an important good, but remain skeptical about the prospects of defending discursive respect on constructivist grounds. And, arguably, various constructivisms are committed to this strategy to reconcile their views about
the grounds, standards, or scope of moral-political reasoning or justification with the fact that relevant others relevantly disagree with these
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views.35 Whatever its plausibility, though, this strategy faces problems,
too. If, at any level of thought, argument, or decision-making, we exempt
normative or evaluative content from the demands of discursive respect,
the question arises why we should not do the same at other levels and in
relation to other content. To say the least, if our exempting S from these
demands responds to the fact that S—which, we take it, should not be
rejected—cannot be accepted coherently by some relevant others, then
we seem to invite more problems than we avoid. Given diversity and inclusive scope, much, if not most, content that we may reasonably deem
worthy of nonrejection is such that there will be relevant intelligent and
conscientious others who, at some time or other, are not actually able to
accept it coherently. But if, in S’s case, this is a reason to exempt the
relevant content from the demands of discursive respect, then it is such a
reason in other cases, too—other things being equal. Thus, we seem to
enter a slippery slope toward pushing out discursive respect entirely.
But perhaps not all things are equal: perhaps we have specific, acceptability-independent reasons to believe that S really is right, or authoritative, or otherwise particularly important. Still, a practice of discursive respect that is curtailed to suit our convictions, even if they rest on
what we regard as good reasons, can be a mere attempt at domination
and oppression in the eyes of others who deeply disagree—which is part
of the point of Rawls’s “fact of oppression.”36 And that we did all that we
could think of to convince ourselves and, say, whoever turns out to be
likeminded, that S has merit does not mean that our exempting S from the
demands of discursive respect on this ground itself can be reconciled
with whatever these demands should be taken to call for. In fact, it is
precisely this type of problem that seems to lend considerable initial
plausibility to attempts not to curtail discursive respect, but to elevate its
importance and extend it in scope, purchase, and depth, in moral-political
reasoning, argument, and decision-making.
Where does this leave us? There may be strategies to calibrate discursive respect without effectively sacrificing some of its dimensions for the
sake of high values in others; and not all strategies that may come in here
might suffer to an equal extent from problems of the sort just indicated.
Even so, the following seems warranted. The above does not entail that
we should jettison the idea of a practice of discursive respect that is deep,
35
I argue this point in relation to Kantian constructivism in Besch, “Kantian Constructivism, Perfectionism, and the Issue of Scope,” and “Constructing Practical Reason”;
for parallel cases in relation to political liberalism and a Forst-type constructivism about
human rights, see Besch, “Political Liberalism, the Internal Conception, and the Problem
of Public Dogma,” and “Reflections on the Foundations of Human Rights.”
36
Rawls, Political Liberalism, p. 37.
On Discursive Respect
231
inclusive, and meaningfully rich in purchase. Nor does it entail that we
should give up on the idea of equality in matters of discursive standing—
and, we saw above, equality is part of what gives the purchase of discursive standing its recognitive value. Instead, what follows is that we face
difficult questions of priority, or at any rate balancing tasks, that may or
may not allow for much reasonable hope of arriving at widely shareable
results. The deeper discursive respect becomes, the more it takes on the
role of a ground-level, foundational value in moral-political reasoning,
argument, or decision-making. But the more inclusive and rich in purchase deep discursive respect becomes, the more extensively will it come
into competition with other, substantive, and perhaps no less important
commitments. I used the examples of commitments to liberal principles
and the constructivist acceptability standard—where the latter itself
marks a commitment to discursive respect—but what token commitments will be affected here depends on what, prior to further calibration,
we take to be the depth, scope, and purchase of discursive respect. Accordingly, even if we can plausibly reconcile the dimensions of discursive respect with each other, it is not clear by what standards we can reasonably prioritize either the resulting calibrated form of discursive respect or the commitments it competes with, or balance them against each
other. It is clear, though, that it is not a step forward to reinvoke the constructivist acceptability standard. If we argue that the result of any attempt to reconcile discursive respect with the relevant commitments is
reasonable, proper, or correct only if it is equally acceptable by all relevant others, we seem to bring back, rather than overcome, the above
problems.
Of course, it may be premature to expect that some such reconciliation can be achieved. The idea of deep, inclusive, and meaningfully rich
constitutive discursive standing as a ground-level value might irreconcilably conflict with other ground-level commitments, while the ways in
which this idea relates to such commitments might ultimately reflect the
influence of factors—social, political, economic, or other—that have
fairly little to do with attempts at widely shareable moral-political
thought and argument. At any rate, while the prospects of success may be
slim, the attempt to reconcile the dimensions of discursive respect—as
well as reconcile (suitably calibrated) discursive respect with other important commitments—in a way that is widely shareable seems indispensable, especially if deep, inclusive, and meaningfully rich constitutive
discursive standing is an important good.
Department of Philosophy, The University of Sydney
thomas.besch@sydney.edu.au