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The Fake, the Flimsy, and the Fallacious: Demarcating Arguments in Real Life

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Abstract

Philosophers of science have given up on the quest for a silver bullet to put an end to all pseudoscience, as such a neat formal criterion to separate good science from its contenders has proven elusive. In the literature on critical thinking and in some philosophical quarters, however, this search for silver bullets lives on in the taxonomies of fallacies. The attractive idea is to have a handy list of abstract definitions or argumentation schemes, on the basis of which one can identify bad or invalid types of reasoning, abstracting away from the specific content and dialectical context. Such shortcuts for debunking arguments are tempting, but alas, the promise is hardly if ever fulfilled. Different strands of research on the pragmatics of argumentation, probabilistic reasoning and ecological rationality have shown that almost every known type of fallacy is a close neighbor to sound inferences or acceptable moves in a debate. Nonetheless, the kernel idea of a fallacy as an erroneous type of argument is still retained by most authors. We outline a destructive dilemma we refer to as the Fallacy Fork: on the one hand, if fallacies are construed as demonstrably invalid form of reasoning, then they have very limited applicability in real life (few actual instances). On the other hand, if our definitions of fallacies are sophisticated enough to capture real-life complexities, they can no longer be held up as an effective tool for discriminating good and bad forms of reasoning. As we bring our schematic “fallacies” in touch with reality, we seem to lose grip on normative questions. Even approaches that do not rely on argumentation schemes to identify fallacies (e.g., pragma-dialectics) fail to escape the Fallacy Fork, and run up against their own version of it.

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Notes

  1. Incidentally, this misalignment between popular textbooks and argumentation theories in the treatment of fallacies should raise a red flag for the latter: it implies either lack of relevance in the broader scholarly community, or a difficulty in providing effective tools for critical thinking education. Both are extremely undesirable states of affairs, which we should all strive to remedy.

  2. Moreover, the recourse to a more or less traditional list of fallacies (what Woods 2013 aptly named “the gang of eighteen”) is still very much in fashion, even in those textbooks that explicitly insist on the importance of the dialogical context in assessing fallacies, as in Tindale’s Fallacies and Argument Appraisal (2007; on this point, see Krabbe 2009).

  3. This is probably a side-effect of a more general problem with argumentation textbooks, namely, their tendency to rely on artificial and simplified pseudo-examples of arguments, be they allegedly valid or not (on the implications of this practice for fallacy theory, see Walton 1989).

  4. As the web comic xkcd once put it: “Correlation doesn’t imply causation, but it does waggle its eyebrows suggestively and gesture furtively while mouthing ‘look over there’.”

  5. Perhaps you would, if you are worried about other harmful side-effects. Given that hardly any active substance is free of side-effects, your decision would be reasonable. In medicine, it’s difficult to make an omelet without breaking some eggs.

  6. Lest some readers take us as pessimists of the worst kind, this is a passage from the concluding chapter of John Woods’ recent lengthy monograph on fallacies: “Most of the work in the logic of reasoning has yet to be done. Most of what needs doing has yet to be formulated, let alone achieved” (2013: 521). Notice that here Woods refers to the treatment of fallacies in general, not just the few examples covered in this paper.

  7. Indeed, when there is no canonical version of a doctrine, with clear definitions of its central concepts and propositions, we only have the behavior of its defenders to go by (Boudry and Braeckman 2011). For example, in the face of negative findings, some parapsychologists have argued that psi is an actively evasive force, manifesting itself only when there are no dissenters around (Kennedy 2003). Some have even speculated that skeptics may emit countervailing catapsi canceling out the original effect. What should we make of such moves?

  8. Remember that any negative claim can be translated into a positive one: any existential claim can be translated into a negative universal, and vice versa (∃xAx is logically equivalent to ~∀x ~ Ax, and ~∃xAx is logically equivalent to ∀x ~ Ax).

  9. While preparing this paper for publication, we discovered the excellent work by Hahn and Oaksford (2006, 2007) bearing out many of these points on the probabilistic factors underlying the varying strengths of so-called fallacies. With regard to the ad ignorantiam fallacy, Hahn and Oaksford develop a rigorous Bayesian framework accounting for the various types of negative argumentation, and the conditions under which they are acceptable (see also our earlier Pigliucci and Boudry 2013a).

  10. Ufologists typically resort to invoking large-scale cover-ups—involving various governments, the Illuminati, the aliens themselves, or all of them together—to explain away this dearth of evidence, but such explanations are, of course, blatantly ad hoc (Boudry and Braeckman 2011).

  11. The fallacy is sometimes spelled out as the conflation of context of discovery and context of justification (Salmon 1984; Ward 2010).

  12. In a recent paper, Jong and Visala (2014) argue that the evolutionary account of religion is irrelevant to the latter’s epistemic status: either we have independent grounds for belief in God’s existence, or we do not have any such grounds. In the former case, the genealogy of religion does not affect our evidence for God, and in the latter case, we should just point out that belief in God is unjustified, which is sufficient to undermine it. In a perfect world, the point is unassailable. If we really have a conclusive proof for God’s existence (or for ghosts or witches), it hardly matters how belief in the supernatural originated. But there are no such water-tight arguments, and religious belief is typically defended on the basis of spiritual experiences (encountering God), or intuitions about design, improbability and fine-tuning. Given that those arguments have no secure basis in logic or evidence, and we have a good evolutionary explanation for why they seem so compelling (even if totally wrong), the most parsimonious explanation is that no such supernatural beings exist. Again, bringing up the “fallacy” charge detracts from the real probative value of psychological accounts of belief.

  13. “Is God Hardwired into Your Brain?” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c0zD0bQbkwE.

  14. Subjects were given the following scenario:

    Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken, and very bright. She majored in philosophy. As a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of discrimination and social justice, and also participated in anti-nuclear demonstrations.

    Which is more probable?

    (A) Linda is a bank teller.

    (B) Linda is a bank teller and is active in the feminist movement.

    Seemingly in violation with the conjunction rule, the majority of subjects answered B. For a discussion of the conversational implicatures ignored by Kahneman and Tversky (in particular Grice’s maxim of relevance), see Hertwig and Gigerenzer (1999).

  15. As Zarefsky notes: “It is difficult to evaluate strategic maneuvering in political argumentation … because the activity types dictate wide latitude for the arguers, so there are few cases of unquestionable derailment” (2008: 317).

  16. Van Eemeren and Grootendorst (2004: 175), however, are critical of expressions such as “appearance of validity”, which they deem “subjective and vague”. This is unfortunate, as we think this psychological component is essential in understanding the appeal of fallacies.

  17. For example, Menuge (2004: 36) on ID critic Barbara Forrest: “[o]ne cannot show that ID is false or fruitless by pointing to the religious (or political) beliefs of its proponents”.

  18. The whole standard list of fallacies, with more unusual examples, can be found on http://www.conservapedia.com/Logical_fallacy.

  19. A similar conclusion is reached by Hahn and Oaksford (2006, 2007), following a partially different path, adopting the Bayesian approach to informal fallacies: as these authors emphasize, the value of this framework is not merely descriptive, but also (and mostly) normative. Their empirical findings suggest that people reliably discriminate between truly fallacious arguments and perfectly cogent “fallacies”, and they do so consistently with an underlying normative standard—that is, Bayesian conditionalization. Crucially, this standard provides normative grounds for argument validity without invoking any dialectical complication (thus it is arguably more parsimonious than other modern treatments of fallacies), but also without assigning any explanatory role to the notion of “fallacy”. Thus, as predicted, Bayesian argumentation walks out of the Fallacy Fork by ridding itself from the notion of fallacy altogether—which is precisely what we suggest all theories of argumentation should do.

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Acknowledgments

The research of the first author was supported by the Research Foundation Flanders (FWO). The second author’s work was supported by the project PRISMA—Interoperable Cloud Platforms for Smart-Government, funded by the Italian Ministry of Education, University and Research (MIUR-PON). The third author was supported by the K.D. Irani fund for Philosophy of Science at the City College of New York. We would like to thank Jan Verplaetse, Danny Praet and John Teehan for useful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

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Boudry, M., Paglieri, F. & Pigliucci, M. The Fake, the Flimsy, and the Fallacious: Demarcating Arguments in Real Life. Argumentation 29, 431–456 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10503-015-9359-1

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