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Continuity or Discontinuity? Scientific Governance in the Pre-History of the 1977 Law of Higher Education and Research in Sweden

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Abstract

The objective of this paper is to balance two major conceptual tendencies in science policy studies, continuity and discontinuity theory. While the latter argue for fundamental and distinct changes in science policy in the late 20th century, continuity theorists show how changes do occur but not as abrupt and fundamental as discontinuity theorists suggests. As a point of departure, we will elaborate a typology of scientific governance developed by Hagendijk and Irwin (2006) and apply it to new empirical material. This makes possible a contextualization of the governance of science related to the codification of the “third assignment” of the Swedish higher education law of 1977. The law defined the relation between university science and Swedish citizens as a dissemination project, and did so despite that several earlier initiatives actually went well beyond such a narrow conceptualisation. Our material reveals continuous interactive and rival arrangements linking the state, public authorities, the universities and private industrial enterprises. We show how different but coexisting modes of governance of science existed in Sweden during the 20th century, in clear contrast with the picture promoted by discontinuity theorists. A close study of the historical development suggests that there were several periods of layered governance when interactions and dynamics associated with continuity as well as discontinuity theories were prevalent. In addition, we conclude that the typology of governance applied in the present paper is fruitful for carrying out historical analyses of the kind embarked upon in spite of certain methodological shortcomings.

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Notes

  1. For critical assessment of these prominent and prevalent science policy concepts, see Bragesjö (2001), Edqvist (2003), Elzinga (2004), Fuller (2000), Mirowski and Sent (2008), Shinn (1999, 2002), Weingart (1997).

  2. All subsequent captions from empirical sources are translated from Swedish.

  3. The two original tasks were officially established in 1916; see (Svensson 1980, 24).

  4. Although he shares Terry Shinn’s (2002) well-known critique of the ahistorical character of the Mode 2 model, Edqvist has not attempted to systematize his own findings in line with Shinn’s cyclical model of interplay between universities and their extramural partners in the state or industrial world. Jean-Francois Auger (2002, 2004) makes plausible Shinn’s thesis that there was a transition from a utilitarian knowledge production regime of the 1930s towards stronger demands of relative autonomy and discipline-orientation (so-called Mode I) in the period after World War II. This period coincided with the early part of the Cold War when some branches of physical science were very much intertwined with military technological development while at the same time, ironically, the ethos of pure science was being promoted stronger than ever (Shapin 1992).

  5. The empirical material is diversified and extensive including Swedish Government Official Reports, secondary research, other printed documents from mass media, archival document from the labour union movement, adult liberal education and a number of state institutions and authorities. Interviews with persons of key interest have also been conducted.

  6. An alternative periodization is provided by Mirowski and Sent (2008), as they identify three periods associated with three distinctive regimes of twentieth-century knowledge production: (1) 1890-World War II; (2) WW II – Cold War regime; and (3) 1980 – globalized privatization. The periodization employed by Mirowski and Sent differs from ours in that it is largely constructed on the case of the USA and from a perspective that foregrounds changing power relationships in terms of political economics and geopolitics. Their first period nevertheless overlaps well with our first one while we have divided the Cold War period into two. As for their third, we readily accept their characterization even if treatment of it lies outside the bounds of this paper. For further examples of periodization, see Elzinga (1993), Gibbons et al. (1994) and Guston and Keniston (1994).

  7. This is also in line with the programme of the Social Democratic party of 1908 stating as an important goal “[…] the struggle against all types of clerical influence in schools of all kinds, with the aim of disseminating the results of unprejudiced scientific results”.

  8. The initiative was partly inspired by “university tutorial classes” in Great Britain, but developed according to the model of the study circle used by the Educational branch of the Swedish Labour Movement (ABF) (Gougoulakis 2001). In keeping with the pedagogy developed for use in the study circle, Olsson also argued that teachers should be recruited from the universities. In his view this would guarantee the use of “scientific knowledge and method”, and consequently adherence to matters of fact and an objective treatment of current political and religious issues. The goal of university circles was not vocational but rather to promote liberal adult education. For the first time, universities in Sweden were recommended to mantle a proper institutional role in the forming of the citizenry. Olsson also suggested establishing offices for adult liberal education at the universities However, this was not realized at the time—it was premature.

  9. As a further example of the close relation between industry and state in the development of science and technology and national identity, see Fridlund (1999).

  10. Tawney was also an important advocator for liberal adult education in Great Britain; see Elsey (1987).

  11. This is clearly stated in the political programmes of the Agrarian Party (1944), the Social Democratic Party (1944, 1948) and the Right Wing Party (1944, 1946).

  12. The quotes are from the memoirs of former Prime Minister Tage Erlander (1976, 26).

  13. Six months after the Rigoletto conference, a governmental report was presented arguing that parts of the revenue from the state-owned mining industry in northern Sweden should be allocated to finance applied science in private industry. This was an ideologically important message from the Social Democratic government.

  14. Stakeholders in trade and big industry took similar initiatives, the most notable being the establishment of the company Incentive with the task of supplying science-driven industry with competence in business. Incentive was a forerunner in setting up a high-profile national science advisory board to help identify commercially exploitable scientific research (Elzinga 1969; Wallenberg 1964).

  15. Concerning the development of new technology, Andersen (1969), Borg (1971), Lagermalm (1966) and Ringborg (1970), all argue for a closer cooperation between industry and university research. Higher degree of standardization connecting research and commercial products, diffusion as not beneficial to innovation, close connections between industry and university as conducive not only for research but for education guaranteeing labour market relevance are the general arguments.

  16. Eventually this led to the formulation of the law of the right to participate in decisions (Medbestämmandelagen (MBL)). The law regulates the relationship between employer and employee concerning decisions at the workplace. The general debate also influenced the issue of relationship between science and society in terms of a “democratization of the university” and arguments for the influence of lay-interests in university boards were voiced (see Forskning och Framsteg 1978).

  17. Research information directed towards industry and administration and information to the general public was also seen as a problem residing with researchers and arguments were raised to incorporate research communication as a mandatory subject in the training of PhD-candidates (Vedin 1973).

  18. The latter had promoted close individually-based contacts between industry and university. New research policy initiatives under Palme’s leadership tended rather to highlight the need to move from political democracy to economic democracy and emphasized instead contacts with the existing network of state and trade union bureaucracies in the Swedish model, during the 1970s, tendencies criticized by liberal politicians (Sjölander 2005; Unsigned 1977; Wikström 1977; Öhman 1983). In their view, and in order to restore the credibility of the university, there was a need to displace the politics (cp. Marres 2005, 2007) associated with scientific research in general away from the mould that followed upon debates and issues during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

  19. This was also an issue in left-wing journals where it was voiced that education at the “new university” increasingly was designed to accommodate the demands of the market stimulating economic growth (see Johansson 1973; Ruthström 1973).

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  1. Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science, Göteborg University, SE-405 30, Göteborg, Sweden

    Fredrik Bragesjö, Aant Elzinga & Dick Kasperowski

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  1. Fredrik Bragesjö
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  2. Aant Elzinga
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  3. Dick Kasperowski
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Correspondence to Dick Kasperowski.

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Bragesjö, F., Elzinga, A. & Kasperowski, D. Continuity or Discontinuity? Scientific Governance in the Pre-History of the 1977 Law of Higher Education and Research in Sweden. Minerva 50, 65–96 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-012-9188-4

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