¹ Veith, Kromayer–, Heerwesen u.s.w (Munich, 1928) i. 84fGoogle Scholar. does not go in for the analogy of the scrummage, for which in German a word seems to be lacking.

² Gomme, A. W., Essays in Greek History and Literature (Oxford, 1937), p. 135Google Scholar:’…in any case a Greek battle was not so simply “a matter of brawn,…a steady thrust with the whole weight of the file behind it—a literal shoving of the enemy off the ground on which he stood ”(did the back rows push the man in front?), as Professor Woodhouse supposes. It was not a scrummage. The men all used their weapons, and had their right arms free.’

³ Fraser, A.D., Classical Weekly 36 No. 2 (12 10. 1942), 15fCrossRefGoogle Scholar. (‘In England, where the accepted theory of phalanx-fighting seems to have arisen, there is, I think, a more or less clear mentalassociation between the working of the phalanx and of the Rugby football scrimmage.’).

⁴ ‘The Nature of the Hoplite Battle’, Class. Ant 4 (1985), 50–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ The evidence is conveniently tabulated in Pritchett, W. K., The Greek State at War (Berkeley, 1985), iv. 47–50Google Scholar.

⁶ cf. the story concerning Iphicrates in Polyaenus 3.9.27. In Arist. Wasps 1085 the ‘shove’ comes at the end of the battle.

⁷ I confess to great puzzlement at this passage. Seeing that the sarissas of the second, third, fourth and fifth ranks stuck out in front of the file-leaders, and the sarissa required two hands (Polyb. 18.29), I find it hard to believe that those ranks physically pushed the front rank.

⁸ I take ώθουμένους at Xen. Hell. 7.1.31 to mean ‘pushing each other’ ‘jostling’.

⁹ It is also possible that by ώθιομός ασπίδων at 4.96.2, Thucydides is referring to the use of the shield to get an opponent off balance (see below, p. 386).

¹⁰ GSW iv. 91f. Holladay, , art. cit. 97Google Scholar, speaks of ‘an instantattempt at othismos’.

¹¹ ‘Hoplites and Heresies: a Note’, JHS 104 (1984), 152CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Suidas s.v. Λνκιον speaks of πρό τώς έξόδων τινές έν τῴ Λυκίώ καί... άποδεξεις τώυ μάλλον πολεμικών but this may refer to post-Xenophontic times.

¹³ Cf. Poursat, J., ‘Danse armee dans la ceramiqueattique’, BCH 92 (1968), 550–615CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Pritchett, W. K., GSW iv. 61f., ii.216Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See also Lucian, , De Saltatore 10Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Translation of T. J. Saunders in the Penguin translation.

¹⁶ To say nothing of mountain torrents which make advance impossible (Thuc. 4.96.2).

¹⁷ cf. Xen, . Cyrop. 8.5.15Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The only other mention of four deep’ is in Diod. 13.72.6 (in which passage the figures do not square with the totals in §4; if the length of the line were not 8 but 18 stades, that would suit the number of hoplites).

¹⁹ References to Aelian are to the edition of Kochly, H. in Köchly–Rüstow Griechische Kriegsschriftsteller (Leipzig, 1855), 2.1Google Scholar, references to the Tactica of Arrian to the Teubner edition of A. G.Roos.

²⁰ ‘Two Battles in Thucydides’, Echos du Monde Classique 31, n.s. 6 (1987), 307–12Google Scholar.

²¹ Pritchett, W.K., Ancient Greek Military Practices (Berkeley, 1971), i. 154Google Scholar.

²² cf. Walbank's, note ad 2.69.9Google Scholar.

²³ 18.7.8, 12.2 and 5, 13.3; 3.113.3.

²⁴ 4.64.6; 12.21.3 and 7.

²⁵ Presumably the phalangites stood sideways on when holding the sarissa, perhaps taking the weight of the long shaft by adopting very much the hold used in the British Army for a bayonet-fixed Lee Enfield rifle, i.e. with the right forearm placed along the shaft;in which case 18 inches would be ample in a defensive stance, for the rear four rows of sarissas would require no more

²⁶ For the genealogy of the Tacticians, cf. Stadter, P. A., ‘The Ars Tactica of Arrian’, CP 73 (1978), 117fGoogle Scholar. Greek, as opposed to Macedonian, warfare is allegedly under review (cf. Arr. Tact. 3.2,4,5, 16.9, 19.5,32.2 etc.). The meaning of Aelian, Preface 6 depends on whether one translates /cat to mean ‘as well’.

²⁷ cf. Plut, . Mor. 220aGoogle Scholar for a dictum allegedly of Demaratus.

²⁸ Those of the second rank are termedέπισταται. It is instructive to compare the account of Aelian 13.3 with Arrian in the parallel texts of Köchly-Rüstow. Aelian ascribes a supporting role in combat, and the role of substitute in case of death or wounding of the file-leader; Arrian goes further, adding something about their role in othismos (which can only apply when there is pyknosis κατά παραστάτην τε καιι έπιστάτην) and having men from the second rank using their swords over the heads of the file-leaders, hardly welcome support even if the έπιστάτης was as close to the file-leader as he could possibly be. Whatever Arrian knew about warfare in the Roman army, his additions to his Greek original would hardly move one to volunteer for service under him.

²⁹ Hdt. 9.18.1 is not in battle.

³⁰ αί δέ παραγωγαί ὥσπερ ύπο κήρυκος ύπο ένωμοτάρχου καί άραίαι τε καί βαθύτεραι αί Φάλαγγες It is not clear that changes in depth are due to γοχαγός To judge by what Thucydides (5.68.3) says of Mantinea. depth in the Spartan army depended to some extent onthe decision of theγοχαγός, and the phalanx was essentially a series ofλόχοι if by παραγωγωγαί the author means the sort of movement described in Xen, . Hell. 7.5.22Google Scholar, the second half of this sentence in RL refers to some other movement.

³¹ For instance, on the Chigi vase one can see the left edge of the shieldbehind the body of the hoplite whose spearside is fully displayed; so much for the man on his left trying to hide Behind his neighbour's shield. The Nereid Monument at Xanthus is similarly discouraging to the orthodox.

³² cf. the mixture of methods on the Aryballos in Berlin, fig. 3 of Lorimer, H.L., ‘The Hoplite Phalanx’, BSA 42 (1947), 84Google Scholar, and cf. fig. 2 inChilds, W. A. P., The City Reliefs of Lycia (Princeton, 1978)Google Scholar.

³³ Epaminondas described the flat and open Boeotian land as ‘πολέμου όρχήστρα’ (Plut. Mor. 193e).

³⁴ cf. Pritchett, W.K., GSW iiGoogle Scholar, Ch. 14 for this subject.

³⁵ 2.25.2 suggests that he could have given names had he chosen to do so.

³⁶ The story of the blinding vision of Epizelos at Marathon (Hdt. 6.117.3)presupposes hoplites in line, but is not more suitable to compact than to open order.

³⁷ Peek, W., Gr. Versinschriften (Berlin, 1955), i. 321Google Scholar.

³⁸ cf. Pritchett, W. K., GSW iv. 85–8Google Scholar.

³⁹ Since Xenophon goes on to contrast the Argives who ούς έδέξαυτοτούς Аγησίλαον he does not mean by είς δόρυ ‘within spear's throw’, cf. Hipparch. 8.10.

⁴⁰ cf. Xen, . Hell. 4.2.5Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Early Greek Warfare (Cambridge, 1973), p. 180 n. 37Google Scholar.

⁴² Early Greek Armour and Weapons (Edinburgh, 1964), pp. 181fGoogle Scholar. References to Tyrtaeus are in the edition of West, M. L., Iambi el Elegi Graeci, ii (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar.

⁴³ The present tense of these participles is to be noted.

⁴⁴ cf. Vos, M. F., Scythian Archers in Archaic Attic Vase-painting (Groningen, 1963)Google Scholar. Fig. 52 in Greenhalgh E.G. W. is perhaps the best example. Cf. fig. 7 in H. L. Lorimer art. cit. These are both assigned an early date. Vos, Plate VII is late.