Abstract
Social transmission is at the core of cultural evolutionary theory. It occurs when a demonstrator uses mental representations to produce some public displays (utterances, behaviors, artifacts, etc.) which in turn allow a learner to acquire similar mental representations. Although cultural evolutionists do not dispute this view of social transmission, they typically abstract away from the multistep nature of the process when they speak of cultural variants at large, thereby referring both to variation and evolutionary change in mental representations as well as in their corresponding public displays. This conflation suggests that differentiating each step of the transmission process is redundant. In this paper, I examine different forms of interplay between the multistep nature of social transmission and the metric spaces used by cultural evolutionists to measure cultural variation and to model cultural change. I offer a conceptual analysis of what assumptions seem to be at work when cultural evolutionists conflate the complex causal sequence of social transmission as a single space of variation in which populations evolve. To this aim, I use the framework of variation spaces, a formal framework commonly used in evolutionary biology, and I develop two theoretical concepts, ‘technique’ and ‘technical space’, for addressing cases where the complexity of social transmission defies the handy assumption of a single variation space for cultural change.
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Notes
Similarity of mental content might appear at first sight to be a better measure of similarity of mental representations, but mental content can only be assessed through the proxy of the behaviors expressing that content. This is because we do not have any direct access to someone else’s (and possibly even our own) mental contents.
Cultural epidemiologists (Claidière et al. 2014; Claidière and Sperber 2007, 2010; Sperber 1996, 2000, 2006; Sperber and Hirschfeld 2004) agree with the minimal characterization I have offered above. Sperber (2006) explicitly describes social transmission as a social cognitive causal chain (SCCC), a sequential interlocking of private mental representations and public representations. Another theoretically-loaded approach to characterizing the multistep nature of social transmission is adopted by the proponents of an analogy between genetic and cultural inheritance (Boyd and Richerson 1985; Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Mesoudi 2011). Mental representations serve as cultural analogs of the genotype and public displays as cultural analogs of the phenotype (e.g., Boyd and Richerson 1985, pp. 33–36; Mesoudi 2011, p. 44). Others refer to mental representations as ideational units, and public displays as empirical units (e.g., O'Brien et al. 2010). It goes beyond the scope of this paper to critically examine and compare these different theoretical approaches as they are based on the minimal view I am examining here.
Examples of the use of the conflation assumption are not restricted to idealized mathematical models. In the laboratory experiments conducted by Mesoudi and O’Brien (2008a), the authors track only the shape of ‘virtual arrow-heads’ produced in their experimental set up, which points out that they are assuming that what is visually represented on the Ipads they use for the experiment corresponds to what their subjects intend to transmit. The assumption becomes clearer once it is pointed out that the intricacies of the actual knapping techniques used to produce the real arrow-heads (the evolution of which they are modelling) are replaced by pinches on an iPad, an extremely unsophisticated behavior. What this replacement shows is that, whatever the technique used for producing public displays, no differences in variation is expected between what individuals want to transmit (mental representations) and what these individuals actually use to do so (public displays, here a visual picture on an Ipad). This sort of operationalization of the conflation assumption will be made clearer in the discussion that follows (see, especially, “Technical constraints on social transmission” section).
Even memeticists (Blackmore 1999; Dennett 1995) agree on this minimal characterization, even though they characterize mental representations and public displays as cultural replicators in their own right. The mere fact that imitation is involved in memetic transmission means that, at some step, mental representations and public displays are involved in the process of cultural replication, whichever one if any is the preferred cultural replicator.
I talk of probability and not of the number of transformations in order to stay coherent with current practice in cultural evolutionary theory. In many models, neighbor variants can be accessed with different probabilities, and often accessing some more probable variant increases the chance that other variants can be accessed in the next generation.
Perceptual discriminations of object properties such as length or weight each has its own ratio, which varies with the discriminating modality, and is commonly referred to as the “Weber fraction” of the measurement or as the “Weber-Fechner law”.
Here I emphasize the evolutionary constraints imposed by the demonstration process of social transmission. Of course, social transmission also depends on the acquisition process (see Fig. 1). Others have studied the acquisition phase in more detail, which in turn can also impose its lot of constraints, enabling spaces, and difficulties in measuring the topological structure of cultural variation. For instance, cultural epidemiologists have been studying the inference processes that extract the relevant information to be learned from public displays (Griffiths et al. 2008; Kirby et al. 2007, 2008; Scott-Phillips and Kirby 2010; Sperber and Hirschfeld 2004). I see no reason why the acquisition phase should not also benefit from an informed use of the spatial framework presented in the previous section.
This definition does not preclude non-artifactual public displays, such as behaviors, from being products of techniques. For instance, dancing depends on a set of cognitive processes and decisions, often the manipulation of some object (e.g., a hat and a cane, another dancer), implies a series of physical processes (e.g., moon-walking and friction), etc., but produces no artifacts (aside from sweat and scuffed floors).
Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman (1981 pp. 308–314) take blade variation and evolution as a candidate example of mutation (copying-error) in continuous traits.
See the papers in Desrosiers (2012) for reviews of the ethnoarchaeological distribution of blade variation.
For each mode, Pelegrin tested the differences induced in the range of producible blades when using pressure tools with different tip materials (ivory vs. copper), when using different core materials (flint and obsidian), and when using heat-treatment of the core. More techniques are possible given that crutches may themselves vary in design and manner of use (Clark 1982; Crabtree 1968). The same goes for the different core stabilizers (Pelegrin 2012).
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Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Werner Callebaut, Brian McLoone, Olivier Morin, Adam Westra, and two anonymous referees for useful comments on a previous draft. I also thank the fellows at the KLI for useful discussions, Louis Sagnières for discussions about techniques, and John C. Whittaker and Woody Blackwell for explaining the limits of flintknapping techniques to me, and taking my questions about impossible and improbable lithic tools morphologies seriously. This paper was written with the financial support of the Fonds de recherche du Québec—Société et culture while I was being hosted by the KLI Institute.
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Charbonneau, M. Mapping complex social transmission: technical constraints on the evolution of cultures. Biol Philos 30, 527–546 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10539-015-9487-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10539-015-9487-x