Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-tj2md Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T11:23:51.370Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

SYMPATHY AND SEPARATION: BENJAMIN RUSH AND THE CONTAGIOUS PUBLIC*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 April 2009

JASON FRANK*
Affiliation:
Government Department, Cornell University

Abstract

This essay considers Benjamin Rush's concern with the political organization of sympathy in post-Revolutionary America and how this concern shaped his response to the threat of post-Revolutionary “mobocracy.” Like many of his contemporaries, Rush worried about the contagious volatility of large public assemblies engendered by the Revolution. For Rush, regular gatherings of the people out of doors threatened to corrupt visions both of an orderly and emancipatory public sphere and of the virtuous and independent citizens required by republican government. Rush feared that the unregulated communication of passion between bodies gathered in public might unleash what Michael Meranze has called an “anarchy of reciprocal imitations.” It was in eighteenth-century theories of sympathy that this idea of contagious mimesis was most rigorously developed and most widely disseminated. Rush's medico-political understanding of sympathy, acquired during his years as a medical student in Edinburgh, provides an important framework for understanding his post-Revolutionary reform efforts, particularly those focused on the spatial choreography of the American citizenry.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, “Essay on the Origin of Languages which treats of Melody and Musical Imitation,” trans. Moran, J. H., in On the Origin of Language: Two Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 574, 72Google Scholar.

2 Benjamin Rush, “Observations on the Fourth of July Procession in Philadelphia,” Pennsylvania Mercury, 15 July 1788. Reprinted in Kaminski, J. P. and Saladino, G. J., eds., The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, vol. 18 (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1995), 261–9Google Scholar.

3 Rush himself wrote that he “abhors titles and everything that belongs to the pageantry of government.” Such pageantry is “spurious, dramatic, and artificial, no Reality belonging to it.” Rush, Benjamin, “Letter to John Adams, June 4, 1789,” in Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed. Butterfield, Lyman H., Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 30, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1951), 1: 513–15, 514 (original emphasis)Google Scholar; Rush, Benjamin, “A Thought on Monarchy and Aristocracy,” in The Autobiography of Benjamin Rush: His “Travels through Life” Together with his Commonplace Book for 1789–1813, ed. Corner, George W., Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 25 (Philadelphia, 1948), 197200, 198Google Scholar.

4 Jay Fliegelman takes the term “soft compulsion” from John Quincy Adams's lectures on rhetoric. It captures what Fliegelman describes as “a new model of political submission,” representing “not rational assent but a new mesmerist mixture of voluntarism and involuntarism.” See Fliegelman, Jay, Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, and the Culture of Performance (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1993), 3942, 40Google Scholar.

5 Rush, “Observations on the Fourth of July Procession in Philadelphia,” 262.

6 Susan G. Davis emphasizes this performatively mimetic dimension of political parades and processions, revealing how these spectacles not only reflected social order, but actively shaped it. See Davis, Susan G., Parades and Power: Street Theatre in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

7 Burke, Edmund, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Sublime and the Beautiful and Other Pre-Revolutionary Writings, ed. Womersley, David (New York: Penguin, 1998), 115Google Scholar.

8 Rush, “Observations on the Fourth of July Procession in Philadelphia,” 266.

9 On the “quasi-legitimacy” of Revolutionary crowds see Maier, Pauline, From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial radicals and the development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765–1776 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1972), 126Google Scholar.

10 Meranze, Michael, Laboratories of Virtue: Punishment, Revolution, and Authority in Philadelphia, 1760–1835 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 169Google Scholar.

11 See Davidson, Cathy, Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 109Google Scholar; Barnes, Elizabeth, States of Sympathy: Seduction and Democracy in the American Novel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; and Stern, Julia A., The Plight of Feeling: Sympathy and Dissent in the Early American Novel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Mullan, John, Sentiment and Sociability: The Language of Feeling in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 27Google Scholar.

13 Foucault, Michel, “Space, Knowledge, Power,” in The Essential Works of Foucault, 1954–1984, Volume III: Power, ed. Faubion, James D. (New York: The New Press, 1984), 349–64, 361Google Scholar.

14 Michael Walzer argues that liberalism is characterized by the “art of separation,” by which he means “a certain way of drawing the map of the social and political world.” The art of separation I invoke here is more literal. Rush's art of separation involves the spatial choreography of citizens. See Michael Walzer, “Liberalism and the Art of Separation,” Political Theory 12 (Aug. 1984), 315–30, 315. On the “art of sympathy” see Radner, John B., “The Art of Sympathy in Eighteenth-Century British Moral Thought,” in Runte, Roseanne, ed., Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), 189210Google Scholar.

15 Fliegelman, Jay explores the paradoxes of educating to independence in Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution against Patriarchal Authority 1750–1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

16 Brown, William Hill, The Power of Sympathy (New York: Penguin, 1996; first published 1789), 63Google Scholar.

17 Rush, Autobiography, 43. Also see Douglas Sloan, “From Nottingham Academy to the ‘Edinburgh of America’: Benjamin Rush,” in idem, The Scottish Enlightenment and the American College Ideal (New York: Teachers College Press, 1971), 185–224.

18 Rush, Autobiography, 46.

19 Benjamin Rush, “Letter to Ebenezer Howard, November 8, 1765,” in Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 18–19, 18; Rush, Autobiography, 46.

20 Rush claimed that in 1790 he “determined never again to influence the opinions and passion of my fellow citizens upon political subjects.” Benjamin Rush, “Letter to John Adams, March 23, 1805,” in Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2: 892–3, 893. See also Schutz, John A. and Adair, Douglass, eds., The Spur of Fame: Dialogues of John Adams and Benjamin Rush (San Marino: Huntington Library Press, 1966)Google Scholar.

21 Forget, Evelyn L., “Evocations of Sympathy: Sympathetic Imagery in Eighteenth-Century Social Theory and Physiology,” History of Political Economy 35 (2003), 282308, 282CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Lawrence, Christopher, “The Nervous System and Society in the Scottish Enlightenment,” in Barnes, Barry and Shapin, Steven, eds., Natural Order: Historical Studies of Scientific Culture (London: Sage, 1979), 1940Google Scholar; Reill, Peter Hanns, Vitalizing Nature in the Enlightenment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 122–3Google Scholar.

23 Walter Benjamin, “On the Mimetic Faculty,” in idem, Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, ed. Peter Demetz (New York: Schocken, 1978), 333–6.

24 Cited in Radner, “The Art of Sympathy,” 204 n. 1.

25 See Farr, James, “Political Science and the Enlightenment of Enthusiasm,” American Political Science Review 82/1 (March 1988), 5169CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jason Frank, “‘Besides Our Selves’: An Essay on Enthusiastic Politics and Civil Subjectivity,” Public Culture (Fall 2005), 371–92; Heyd, Michael, “Be Sober and Reasonable”: The Critique of Enthusiasm in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (Leiden, 1995)Google Scholar; Klein, Lawrence E., “Sociability, Solitude, and Enthusiasm,” in Klein, Lawrence E. and Vopa, Anthony J. La, eds., Enthusiasm and Enlightenment in Europe, 1650–1850 (San Marino: Huntington Library Press, 1998), 153–78Google Scholar; and J. G. A. Pocock, “Enthusiasm: The Antiself of Enlightenment,” in ibid., 7–28.

26 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711), ed. Klein, Lawrence E. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 10Google Scholar.

27 Cited in Forget, “Evocations of Sympathy,” 285.

28 Beiser, Frederick explores these critiques, and Hutcheson's response to them, in The Sovereignty of Reason: The Defense of Rationality in the Early English Enlightenment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 307–18Google Scholar.

29 Hume, David, Enquiries Concerning the Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals, ed. Selby-Bigge, L. A. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), 224Google Scholar.

30 Radner, “The Art of Sympathy,” 192.

31 Rush, Benjamin, “Letter to Granville Sharp, 9 July 1774,” in “The Correspondence of Benjamin Rush and Granville Sharp, 1773–1809,” ed. Woods, John A., Journal of American Studies 1 (1954), 138, 6–8Google Scholar.

32 Rush, Benjamin, An Enquiry into the Effects of Public Punishments upon Criminals and upon Society (Philadelphia: Joseph James, 1787), 6Google Scholar. Reprinted in idem, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, ed. Michael Meranze (Schenectady: Union College, 1988), 79–94.

33 Rush, Benjamin, “Influence of Physical Causes upon the Moral Faculty,” in Two Essays on the Mind (New York: Brunner Mazel, 1972; first published 1786), 2, 13Google Scholar.

34 See Carlson, Eric T. and Simpson, Meredith M., “Benjamin Rush's Medical Use of the Moral Faculty,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 39 (Jan.–Feb. 1965), 2233Google ScholarPubMed.

35 Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability, 24.

36 Forget, “Evocations of Sympathy,” 291; Lawrence, “Nervous System and Society,” 26.

37 Rush, Benjamin, Lectures on the Mind (1812), ed. Carlson, Eric T., Wollock, Jeffrey L., and Noel, Patricia S. (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1981), 238Google Scholar.

38 Rodgers, James, “Sensibility, Sympathy, Benevolence: Physiology and Moral Philosophy in Tristram Shandy,” in Jordanova, L. J. ed., Languages of Nature: Critical Essays on Science and Literature (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986), 117–58, 140Google Scholar.

39 Reill, Vitalizing Nature, 140.

40 Lawrence, “Nervous System and Society,” 33; Homes, Henry (Lord Kames), Essays on the Principles of Morality and Natural Religion (Edinburgh, 1751), 17Google Scholar.

41 Rush, Lectures on the Mind, 238–9.

42 Forget, “Evocations of Sympathy,” 283.

43 Rush, Lectures on the Mind, 244.

44 On the connection between eighteenth-century theories of nerves and the culture of sensibility see Banfield, G. J. Barker, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 136Google Scholar.

45 Forget, “Evocations of Sympathy,” 302.

46 Benjamin Rush, Three Lectures upon Animal Life (Philadelphia: Budd and Bartram), 52.

47 See D'Elia, Donald, Benjamin Rush: Philosopher of the American Revolution (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974), 919, 91–101Google Scholar.

48 Rush, “On the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic,” in idem, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, 5–12, 8–9. See also Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 582–5.

49 D'Elia, Donald, “The Republican Theology of Benjamin Rush,” Pennsylvania History 33 (April 1966), 187203, 188Google Scholar.

50 Robert H. Abzug, “Benjamin Rush and Revolutionary Christian Reform,” in idem, Cosmos Crumbling: American Reform and the Religious Imagination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 11–29, 15.

51 Abzug, “Benjamin Rush,” 20.

52 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2: 785.

53 On late eighteenth-century Americans' broad tendency toward analogical argument see Wiebe, Robert, The Opening of American Society: From the Adoption of the Constitution to the Eve of Disunion (New York: Vintage, 1985), 9Google Scholar.

54 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 584 n. 13.

55 Cited in Wasserman, Manfred J., “Benjamin Rush on Government and the Harmony and Derangement of the Mind,” Journal of the History of Ideas 33/4 (Oct. 1972), 639–42, 640CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of how eighteenth-century faculty psychology offered a similarly “powerful analogy . . . between the construction of a polity and the construction of the self,” see Howe, Daniel Walker, Making the American Self: Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 78106, 79Google Scholar.

56 Rush, Lectures on the Mind, 479.

57 D'Elia, Benjamin Rush, 68.

58 Rush, “Influence of Physical Causes upon the Moral Faculty,” 35.

59 See Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage, 1977), 76Google Scholar. Foucault writes that in eighteenth-century medical politics “society's control over individuals was accomplished not only through consciousness or ideology, but also in the body and with the body . . . The body is a biopolitical reality; medicine is a biopolitical strategy.” Foucault, Michel, “The Birth of Social Medicine,” in The Essential Works of Foucault, 1954–1984, Volume III: Power, ed. Faubion, James D. (New York: The New Press, 1994), 134–56, 137Google Scholar.

60 Schutz and Adair, The Spur of Fame, 19–20, 20.

61 Rush, Autobiography, 81.

62 Rush, Autobiography, 89.

63 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 388.

64 The tragic unfolding of the French Revolution and the bitter partisan politics of the Early Republic's first decade led Rush away from his post-Revolutionary projects of social reform and toward a renewed faith in the power of Christian conversion. “All systems of political order and happiness seem of late years to have disappointed their founders and advocates,” he wrote to John Adams in 1806. “My only hope for suffering and depressed humanity is derived from a belief in a new and divine order of things which we are told will be introduced . . . by the influence of the gospel upon individuals and nations.” Schutz and Adair, The Spur of Fame, 24–5, 25, 57.

65 Rush, Benjamin, “Introductory Lecture,” in Sixteen Introductory Lectures, to Courses of Lectures upon the Institutes and Practices of Medicine (Philadelphia, 1811), 363–95, 363Google Scholar.

66 D'Elia, Benjamin Rush, 18; Rush, Autobiography, 114.

67 Venturi, Franco, Utopia and Reform in the Enlightenment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68 See Wood, Gordon S., The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1991), 95109Google Scholar.

69 Rush, Autobiography, 197.

70 Rush, Benjamin, “On the Influence of Physical Causes in Promoting an Increase of the Strength and Activity of the Intellectual Faculties of Man,” in Two Essays on the Mind (New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1972), 89120, 111Google Scholar.

71 Cited in Carlson, Eric T. and Wollock, Jeffrey L., “Benjamin Rush on Politics and Human Nature,” Journal of the American Medical Association 236 (5 July 1976), 73–7, 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 460–61.

73 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 454.

74 Rush, Benjamin, “Address to the People of the United States,” American Museum, Jan. 1787, reprinted in Kaminski, J. P. and Saladino, G. J., eds., Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, vol. 13 (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1981), 46–9Google Scholar.

75 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 137 (original emphasis).

76 These essays were assembled in a pamphlet by Rush entitled Observations upon the Present State of the Government of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Steiner & Cist: 1777).

77 Rush, Observations, 15 (original emphasis).

78 Rush, Lectures on the Mind, 717.

79 See Alexander, John K., “Fort Wilson Incident of 1779: A Case Study of the Revolutionary Crowd,” William and Mary Quarterly 31 (1974), 589612CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 244.

81 Benjamin Rush, “An Account of the Influence of the Military and Political Events of the American Revolution on the Human Body,” in idem, Medical Inquiries and Observations, upon Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1789), 186–96, 188.

82 Ibid., 189–90.

83 Ibid., 194.

84 Ibid., 196.

85 Rush, “On the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic,” 5.

86 Rush, “On the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic,” 9. For other discussions of this aspect of Rush's work see Michael Meranze's introduction to Rush's Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, i–xxxi; Ronald Takaki, “Republican Machines,” in idem, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 17–27; and Terrell, Colleen, “‘Republican Machines’: Franklin, Rush, and the Manufacture of Civic Virtue in the Early American Republic,” Early American Studies 1/2 (Fall 2003), 100–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 D'Elia, Benjamin Rush, 128.

88 See Sandel, Michael, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Policy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), 129–33, 321–5Google Scholar.

89 Bloch, Ruth, Visionary Republic: Millennial Themes in American Thought, 1756–1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 75115CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 620.

91 Rush, Benjamin, “Letter to William Peterkin, November 27, 1784” in “Further Letters of Benjamin Rush,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 78/1 (1954), 345, 27Google Scholar.

92 See Glacken, Clarence J., Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

93 Hector, J.de Crèvecoeur, St John, Letters from an American Farmer (1782), ed. Manning, Susan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 75Google Scholar.

94 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 315.

95 Rush calls Hartley's associationism “the germ of [his own] system of physiology.” See Rush, Autobiography, 94. See also D'Elia, Donald, “Benjamin Rush, David Hartley and the Revolutionary Uses of Psychology,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 114 (1970), 109–18Google Scholar.

96 Hartley, David, Observations on Man, his Frame, his Duty, and his Expectations, 2 vols. (London: S. Richardson, 1749)Google Scholar. For a useful summary of Hartley's theory of association see Oberg, Barbara Bowen, “David Hartley and the Association of Ideas,” Journal of the History of Ideas 37/3 (July 1976), 441–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

97 Benjamin Rush, “An Enquiry into the Influence of Physical Causes upon the Moral Faculty,” in idem, Two Essays on the Mind, 1–40, 36.

98 Ibid., 29.

99 Ibid., 27.

100 Ibid., 21.

101 Ibid., 36.

102 Rush, “On the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic,” 9.

103 Haakonssen, Lisbeth, Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival, and Benjamin Rush (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1997), 200Google Scholar.

104 Benjamin Rush, “The Study of Medical Jurisprudence,” in idem, Sixteen Introductory Lectures to Courses of Lectures upon the Institutes and Practice of Medicine (Philadelphia: Bradford and Innskeep, 1811), 363–95, 363.

105 Rush, “Influence of Physical Causes upon the Moral Faculty,” 37. Rush eventually abandoned this Enlightenment faith in the perfectibility of man, reaffirming the more pessimistic teachings of his New Lights upbringing. See note 64 above.

106 Richard Hofstadter, “The Founding Fathers: An Age of Realism,” in idem, The American Political Tradition: And the Men Who Made It (New York: Vintage, 1989), 3–22.

107 Benjamin Rush, “Thoughts upon the Amusements and Punishments, Which Are Proper for Schools,” in idem, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, 34–43, 42 (original emphasis).

108 Rush, “On the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic,” 9.

109 Michael Meranze and Thomas Dumm both suggest this reading. See Dumm, Thomas, Democracy and Punishment: Disciplinary Origins of the United States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 87112Google Scholar; Meranze's introduction to Rush's Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, i–xxxi.

110 Foucault, Michel, “Governmentality,” in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality with Two Lectures by and an Interview with Michel Foucault, ed. Burchell, G., Gordon, C., and Miller, P. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 95Google Scholar.

111 Rush, “Influence of Physical Causes upon the Moral Faculty,” 40.

112 Rush, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, 396.

113 Rush, “A plan of a Peace Office for the United States,” in idem, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, 106–9.

114 Rush, “An address to the ministers of the Gospel of every denomination in the United States upon subjects interesting to morals,” in idem, Essays: Literary, Moral, and Philosophical, 67–72, 68–9.

115 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 244 (original emphasis).

116 Rush, Benjamin, “The French Fête in Philadelphia in Honor of the Dauphin's Birthday, 1782,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 21 (1897), 257–62, 259Google Scholar.

117 Waldstreicher, David, In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776–1820 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 18Google Scholar.

118 Rush, Enquiry into the Effects of Public Punishments, 6 (original emphasis).

119 Ibid., 11 (original emphasis).

120 Rush, Benjamin, An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements in American upon Slave Keeping (New York: Hodge and Shober, 1773), 29Google Scholar.

121 Rush, Enquiry into the Effects of Public Punishments, 12.

122 Rush also emphasized his need to resist sympathetic identification with infected patients for fear of contamination, thereby making sympathy and contagion almost synonymous. “I . . . use every precaution . . . to prevent taking the infection. I even strive to subdue my sympathy for my patients; otherwise I should sink under the accumulated loads of misery.” Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2: 641.

123 Rush, Enquiry into the Effects of Public Punishments, 11–12.

124 Meranze, Laboratories of Virtue, 127.

125 Sullivan, Robert R., “The Birth of the Prison: The Case of Benjamin Rush,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 31/3 (1998), 333–44, 337CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

126 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1: 512 (original emphasis).

127 Rush, Autobiography, 185.

128 For an illuminating discussion of solitude in broader late eighteenth-century American political culture see Slaughter, Eric, “Being Alone in the Age of the Social Contract,” William and Mary Quarterly 62/1 (Jan. 2005), 3166CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

129 Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2: 824.

130 Radner, “The Art of Sympathy,” 192.

131 Wood, Gordon S., “Interests and Disinterestedness in the Making of the Constitution,” in Beeman, Richard, Botein, Stephen, and Carter, Edward C. II, eds., Beyond Confederation: The Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 69112, 81Google Scholar.

132 Adams, John, “Defense of the Constitutions of Government of the United States,” in Adams, Charles Francis, ed., The Works of John Adams, vol. 4 (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1856), 587–8Google Scholar.

133 Madison, James, “The Vices of the Political System of the United States,” in The Papers of James Madison, ed. Hutchinson, W. T. et al. , vol. 9 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 348–57, 357Google Scholar.

134 “The Federalist no. 52,” 8 Feb. 1788, in The Federalist, ed. Jacob E. Cooke (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), 53–9.

135 “The Federalist no. 55,” 13 Feb. 1788, 372–8.

136 Plato, The Republic, ed. Desmond Lee (New York: Penguin, 1962), 492.

137 See McClelland, J. S., The Crowd and the Mob: From Plato to Canetti (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989)Google Scholar.

138 Richard K. Mathews argues that this famous passage provided the “linchpin to [Madison's] entire edifice,” but that this “linchpin” relied upon an “unchallenged philosophical assumption.” I agree with Mathews concerning the passage's importance, but believe there was a more fully developed discourse behind it than he recognizes. See Mathews, Richard K., If Men Were Angels: James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1995), 24, 66Google Scholar.

139 Rush, “Address to the People of the United States,” 48.