Abstract
The HOU-based analysis of ellipsis was shown byDalrymple et al. (1991) and Shieber et al. (1996) to correctly capture thecomplex interaction of VP-ellipsis, scope and anaphora and claimed toextend to further related phenomena. When applied to deaccenting, theanalysis makes a strong prediction, namely that all anaphors occurringin the deaccented part of a deaccented utterance are parallelanaphors, i.e., anaphors that resolve to their parallel counterpart inthe source. I argue that this prediction is supported by the data andshow that it correctly captures the interaction of deaccenting withanaphora, (in)definiteness and focus.
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Gardent, C. Deaccenting and Higher-Order Unification. Journal of Logic, Language and Information 9, 313–338 (2000). https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1008330623446
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1008330623446