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Abstract

As dominant liberal conceptions of the relationship between rights and freedom maintain, freedom is a property of the individual human subject and rights are a mechanism for protecting that freedom—whether it be the freedom to speak, to associate, to practise a certain religion or cultural way of life, and so forth. Rights according to these kinds of accounts are protective of a certain zone of permitted or valorised conduct and they function either as, for example, a ‘side-constraint’ on the actions of others or as a ‘trump’ over governmental or community goals. In such accounts, of course, the emphasis is placed upon the forms of power against which rights protect the individual, whether that be the trespasses of others or the overweening attentions of the state. Such accounts famously do not themselves take much account of the multiple ways in which rights also function as forms of power, often delimiting the courses of action that a putative rights-holder can take and affecting the manner of its exercise, indeed often in the very name of freedom itself. Of course, there is a sizeable critical literature which does address itself to these kinds of question, most notably from the radical traditions of Marxism and critical legal theory, which see rights in terms of the relations of production, consumption and exploitation that they establish between legal subjects. For various reasons, Foucault has not figured as prominently in critical discussions of rights. Here I do not propose to enter into debates surrounding Foucault’s engagement with, or failure to engage with, law as an object of study, nor with the emergent literature on Foucault’s deployments of rights, indeed even of human rights. Rather, what I want to do in this paper is to articulate and defend the view that through a reading of Foucault’s work, both on rights and on power relations more broadly, we can discern an understanding of the political ambivalence of rights. For Foucault (and for some of the post-Foucaultian scholars whose work I shall address, below), rights are both political tools for the contestation and alteration of mechanisms of power and simultaneously mechanisms of inscription, both disciplinary and governmental, which work to conduct those who rely upon them. Far from being an unproblematic tool for the protection of the subject’s freedom, rights emerge in this account as conflicted and ambivalent mechanisms. In the first part of this paper I develop a Foucaultian account of rights along these lines and then hope to illustrate it by reference to several examples, from the constitution of gender and cultural identity via rights to the figure of the refugee, whilst in the final part of the paper I make a return to the idea of freedom in Foucault’s work and link the view of rights developed herein to a certain conception of freedom in his work.

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Notes

  1. I am in general agreement with Ivison’s presentation of the dual character of rights mechanisms. Here I attempt, through Foucault, to offer a closer engagement with what Ivison himself calls ‘the distinctive relation of power’ disclosed by rights, in part by resort to some examples of how rights (to identity, to asylum, and so forth) function.

  2. For a way of proposing the question ‘Who is the Subject of the Rights of Man?’, which does not assume such an ontology of the subject, but rather sees the subject-position of rights as a directly political (hence contingent, revisable) space, see [58]. It remains to elucidate the possible relations and affinities between Rancière’s post-Marxist engagement with rights and Foucault’s.

  3. This is a more ‘classical’ or at any rate a more orthodox Foucaultian question to ask in the sense that Foucault famously took himself to be problematising the ‘how’ of power. A Foucaultian power analytics hence addresses itself to the question of power neither from the ontological perspective of ‘what is power?’ nor from the normative perspective of ‘how can power be justified?’ but rather from the perspective of its functioning: ‘What I have been trying to look at since 1970–1971 is the “how” of power. Studying the “how of power,” or in other words trying to understand its mechanisms’ [26, p. 24].

  4. The above presentation of the disciplinary function of rights in the context of the refugee (but also, of the rights-claimaint in the other situations I have been discussing) is not intended to present the figure of the refugee as solely determined by the ascriptions of bureaucratic identity and hence utterly lacking in agency. The disciplinary production of subjectivity is not a unilateral exercise but a more complicated, negotiated, multilateral, temporal and hence contingent one. Whether one reads her work as a correction to or as a critique of Foucault, or, as I do, as an extension of themes present and compatible yet untheorized in his work, Judith Butler’s work on the iterable (re)production of identity through the repetition and deformation of norms is one fruitful way of understanding the possibility of agency or resistance whilst still accepting the Foucaultian assumption that subjects are made, not given. For a direct discussion of Foucault, iterability and temporality, see [7, p. 245]. Butler’s fullest presentation of this theme as it relates to gender identity is to be found in Gender Trouble [6].

  5. The range of critical questions that are productively opened up by such an analytic move—that is, one which begins to see refugee law and rights discourse as formative of identity – include an inquiry into: the types of subject produced by this ‘classificatory space of “refugee”’ [43, p. 386]; the gendering and racialising effects of this production on the subject [on this, see for example: 43]; and, the circulation of these forms of subjectivity within and beyond political communities. How, for example, is the refugee subject constituted as a ‘passive, dependent, vulnerable victim in need of protection’ [51, p. 348]? What are the gendered and racialised matrices which subtend such a construction and how are they circulated and deployed? What are the political ramifications and ‘specific effects of the contemporary dehistoricizing constitution of the refugee as a singular category of humanity within the international order of things’? [43, p. 378]. For a related argument about the depoliticising effects of the constitution of the subjects of human rights as either suffering victims in need of Occidental saviour see [47], and for an argument that human rights produces apolitical and anti-democratic subjects, see [5].

  6. ‘In Foucault, it seems, there is a price for telling the truth about oneself, precisely because what constitutes the truth will be framed by norms and by specific modes of rationality,’ argues Judith Butler in [8, p. 121]. That individuals are governed ‘by their own verity’ [22, p. 312] in this way may thus explain Foucault’s discussions of possible forms of resistance in terms of a critical desubjectification [18, pp. 103–104 or a refusal of extant forms of subjectivity 25], p. 336]—where both forms of resistance represent an attempt to rupture the relation posited between subjectivity and the truth of what one is.

  7. Of course, Foucault himself made several statements along these lines, contrasting sovereignty and biopolitics, for example. For discussion, see [32].

  8. Let me take the opportunity to clarify here that whilst the above presentation of, for example, the Foucaultian concepts of discipline and governmentality has been done, heuristically, in a sequential manner, the intention is neither to read either of these as strict, abstract concepts, nor as unrelated phenomena, nor indeed (as some have done), as temporally organised (sovereignty replaced by discipline replaced by governmentality, and so forth). What are here called ‘discipline’ and ‘govermentality’ necessarily find themselves in complex amalgams in actual, political practice—I have simply intended to show how political rationalities premised upon the subjection-creation of the individual (‘discipline’) and political rationalities premised upon the incentivisation of the ‘freedom’ of that individual (‘governmentality’) work through rights mechanisms. These are of course not mutually exclusive rationalities.

  9. Other examples of engagements with the theme of rights as governmentality include Nicolas Guilhot’s discussion of how neo-conservative interpretations of human rights maintain that ‘human rights are no longer a normative, formal or external constraint, but the internal premise of governmental practices’ which promote regime change and democratic governance [33 p. 510]. For a discussion of human rights as a particular kind of governmentality that, inter alia, produces a particular kind of subject, see [49]. For a discussion of EU human rights discourses as a form of governmentality, see [61, 62]. Finally, see Raco and Imrie’s discussion of how ‘the recent shift towards a “rights and responsibilities” agenda in urban policy is part of broader transformations in the rationalities and techniques of government’ [57, p. 2187]. This last discussion shares similar themes with [40].

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Ronnie Lippens for the generous invitation to contribute, and Dan Joyce and Matthew Zagor for crucial references and insight.

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Correspondence to Ben Golder.

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Golder, B. Foucault, Rights and Freedom. Int J Semiot Law 26, 5–21 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11196-012-9259-8

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