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Climate Refugees, Demandingness and Kagan’s Conditional

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Abstract

In the years to come, a great number of people are going to be displaced due to climate change. Climate refugees are going to migrate to find somewhere more hospitable to live. In light of this, many countries are likely to try to prevent the influx of climate refugees, and more specifically argue that they cannot reasonably be required to take in large numbers of refugees as this is simply too demanding. This objection—the demandingness objection to taking in (large numbers of) climate refugees—is the focus of the present article. The ‘demandingness objection’ is clarified in greater detail. And it is pointed out that it relies on agent-relative options and that, according to what is dubbed ‘Kagan’s conditional’, agent-relative options require an agent-relative constraint against harming. This constraint, however, is violated when states significantly contribute to climate change and thus cause people to be harmed by the effects thereof. On this basis, it is argued that such states forfeit their right to invoke the demandingness objection. Roughly, when a state violates an individual’s right not to be harmed, it owes that individual to undo the harmful condition, or if that is not possible at least some form of compensation, and it cannot be relieved from that obligation by simply pointing out that it is costly to comply with it.

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Notes

  1. Strictly speaking, this is not quite right. It is compatible with agent-neutralism to claim that if a state can either benefit a member or a non-member, everything else being equal, it should benefit the member. However, if the state can either benefit a member or make it possible for another state to benefit one of its members, it should be neutral between these two options. I shall not consider such rather unusual forms of agent-neutralism further in this article.

  2. For discussion of the status of climate refugees and, more generally, what we owe them, see, e.g., Buxton (2019), Lister (2014) and Nine (2010).

  3. For further discussion of burden-sharing, and the emphasis on the capacity to cater for refugees, see, e.g., Gibney (2004, p. 241), Miller (2016, p. 86) and Schuck (1997, p. 246).

  4. For further characterization and a discussion of this objection, see, e.g., Kagan (1989) and Railton (1988).

  5. Strictly speaking, the proponent of agent-relative options may resist agent-relative constraints but propose instead that harming others is only justified in cases where doing so can be plausibly justified in agent-neutral terms. Thus, for example, invading another state for one’s own benefit is likely to be unjustified, because it cannot be plausibly justified by a principle that gives equal weight to compatriots and non-compatriots. This suggestion involves a distinction between harming others and allowing harm to befall others, and whereas there is an agent-relative option for states to allow harm to non-compatriots when it would be costly to help them, there is no similar agent-relative option for states to themselves harm non-compatriots. Thus, there are particular strong reasons not to harm; so strong, in fact, that they outweigh the reasons in favour of agent-relative options. This, however, leads to the following puzzle for the view under consideration: if the reason not to harm is as strong as it needs to be to outweigh the agent-relative option not to bring about the impartially best outcome, why does it not at least sometimes outweigh the agent-neutral reason to bring about the best outcome (Kagan 1989, pp. 195–196)? Note that the reason to bring about the best outcome may in particular cases be rather weak, because this outcome is only slightly better than an alternative outcome that might have been brought about. And if the reason not to harm does sometimes outweigh the reason to bring about the best outcome, then the view under consideration has been abandoned in favour of a view that includes agent-relative constraints. (For a more detailed discussion of the prospect of combining agent-relative options and the rejection of agent-relative constraints, see Kagan (1989: Ch. 5) and Scheffler (1982).) A further relevant consideration is that the view under consideration might not much help the proponent of the demandingness objection who wishes to fend off the requirement of admitting large numbers of climate refugees. This is because states’ contributions to climate change also violate plausible agent-neutral principles (which, after all, force them to give as much weight to the interests of climate refugees as to their own populations). So if a state harms climate refugees, where this cannot be justified in agent-neutral terms and there is furthermore a special reason not to harm (as opposed to merely to allow harm), would this not tend to undermine an appeal to the demandingness objection, if the state were to raise such an objection?

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Holtug, N. Climate Refugees, Demandingness and Kagan’s Conditional. Res Publica 28, 33–47 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11158-021-09513-4

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