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Comparing the Actual and Expected Persuasiveness of Evidence Types: How Good are Lay People at Selecting Persuasive Evidence?

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Abstract

Whereas there are many publications in which argumentation quality has been defined by argumentation theorists, considerably less research attention has been paid to lay people’s considerations regarding argument quality. Considerations about strong and weak argumentation are relevant because they can be compared with actual persuasive success. Argumentation theorists’ conceptions have to some extent been shown to be compatible with actual effectiveness, but for lay people such compatibility has yet to be determined. This study experimentally investigated lay people’s expectations about the persuasiveness of anecdotal, statistical, causal, and expert evidence, and compared these expectations with the actual persuasiveness of these evidence types. Dutch and French participants (N = 174) ranked four types of evidence in terms of their expected persuasiveness for eight different claims. Both cultural groups expected statistical evidence to be the most persuasive type of evidence to other people, followed by expert, causal, and, finally, anecdotal evidence. A comparison of these rankings with the results of Hornikx and Hoeken (Communication Monographs 74, 443–463, 2007, Study 1) on the actual persuasiveness of the same evidence types reveals that people’s expectations are generally accurate: How relatively persuasive they expect evidence types to be often corresponded with their actual persuasiveness.

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Notes

  1. An example of a study that investigated lay people’s accuracy at evaluating normatively strong argumentation is Jacobs et al. (1985). In two studies, it was demonstrated that lay people prefer valid conclusions from syllogisms to invalid conclusions when these valid conclusions were argued for by another person.

  2. As Hornikx and Hoeken (2007) explain, there is a relation between evidence types and argument types. Whereas evidence focuses on the type of data that support claims, argument types focus on the relationship between the argument (evidence) and the claim. There is no one-to-one relationship between evidence types and argument types, because anecdotal evidence and statistical evidence are both related to arguments by generalization.

  3. Participants’ gender did not affect the mean rankings of statistical, causal, or expert evidence (ps > 0.10), but it did have an effect on anecdotal evidence (z = 3.78, p < 0.001). Men (M = 3.32, SD = 0.75) ranked anecdotal evidence as more persuasive than women (M = 3.67, SD = 0.53). Next, age only significantly correlated with statistical evidence: r(174) = −0.21, p < 0.01 (other evidence types: ps > 0.05).

  4. The rankings were pooled across the four versions, because there were no effects of version on the mean ranking of anecdotal evidence (Kruskal–Wallis χ2(3) = 6.12, p = 0.11), statistical evidence (χ2(3) = 3.81, p = 0.28), causal evidence (χ2(3) = 1.05, p = 0.79), or expert evidence (χ2(3) = 5.15, p = 0.16).

  5. As a check with Hornikx and Hoeken (2007, Study 1), this questionnaire also included measures that were relevant to the cross-cultural investigation of expert evidence in that study. After the eight rankings of the evidence types, the Preference for Expert Information scale (PEI; Hornikx and Hoeken 2007), and seven items of the Need for Cognition scale (NFC; Cacioppo et al. 1984) were included. The first four items of the PEI scale proved to be reliable, both for the French participants (α = .73), and for the Dutch participants (α = .75). Dutch (M = 2.51, SD = 0.69) and French participants (M = 11 2.52, SD = 0.77) scored equally on the PEI scale (t(172) = 0.95, p = .35). The NFC scale was reliable for the French participants (α = .74), but not for the Dutch (α = .58). For each expert in the expert evidence, participants indicated their perceived expertise. The experts were considered as persons with relatively high expertise, as the mean perceived expertise scored above the midpoint (3.00) of the scale for the French (M = 3.25, SD = 0.60; t(85) = 3.82, p < .001) and the Dutch participants (M = 3.52, SD = 0.54; t(87) = 9.17, p < .001).

  6. The range of rank scores for the eight claims for the Dutch was: 1.19–1.31 for statistical, 2.24–2.39 for expert, 2.56–2.87 for causal, and 3.67–3.78 for anecdotal evidence. For the French, the range of rank scores was: 1.36–1.71 for statistical, 2.22–2.47 for expert, 2.55–2.92 for causal, and 3.27–3.51 for anecdotal evidence.

  7. In both studies, the participants were mostly students at Humanities faculties. The Dutch students in this study (M = 19.48) were younger than in Hornikx and Hoeken (2007, Study 1) (M = 20.98), and the French students in this study (M = 22.05) were older than in Hornikx and Hoeken (2007, Study 1) (M = 20.75). In this study, the percentage of male students was 45.3% (French) or 14.8% (Dutch), whereas the percentages were lower in Hornikx and Hoeken (2007, Study 1) (Dutch: 22.6%; French: 13.2%). In both studies, however, age and gender hardly affected the actual or expected persuasiveness of evidence types.

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Acknowledgements

Thanks to Chantal Claudel and Sonia Gouirand for their practical help with the experiment, and to Hans Hoeken and Daniel O’Keefe for discussions of issues addressed in this article.

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Correspondence to Jos Hornikx.

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Hornikx, J. Comparing the Actual and Expected Persuasiveness of Evidence Types: How Good are Lay People at Selecting Persuasive Evidence?. Argumentation 22, 555–569 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10503-007-9067-6

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