Hostname: page-component-6b989bf9dc-94dtm Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-14T15:41:23.829Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Standards Versus Struggle: The Failure of Public Housing and the Welfare-State Impulse

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 January 2009

Howard Husock
Affiliation:
Public Policy, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

Extract

In considering the development and course of the American welfare state, there are some places which are better starting points than others. One such place is the State Street corridor, the series of high-rise Chicago Housing Authority public-housing projects which loom over Lake Michigan. Most Chicagoans, like their counterparts in other cities, have become inured to conditions there: a murder rate far in excess of that of the city as a whole, a society of unemployed single mothers, deferred maintenance that makes stairwells, plazas, and elevators places of danger. Author Alex Kotlowitz decribes the situation of a mother of two boys in Chicago's Henry Horner Homes: “She lived in daily fear that something might happen to her young ones.… Already that year, 57 children had been killed in the city, five in the Horner area, including two, aged eight and six, who died from smoke inhalation when firefighters had to climb the 14 stories to their apartment. Both of the building's elevators were broken.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Social Philosophy and Policy Foundation 1997

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 “Poverty's Foundation,” The Economist, 04 11, 1993, p. 27Google Scholar. Although the Taylor Homes, located in the State Street corridor, house one-half of one percent of Chicago's population, they account for 11 percent of its murders.

2 Kotlowitz, Alex, There Are No Children Here (New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday, 1992), p. 17.Google Scholar

3 Bowly, Devereux Jr., The Poorhouse: Subsidized Housing in Chicago, 1895–1976 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1978), p. 221.Google Scholar

4 The National Commission on Severely Distressed Public Housing, Final Report (Washington, DC: National Commission on Severely Distressed Public Housing, 1992)Google Scholar; see also Vale, Lawrence J., “Beyond the Problem Projects Paradigm: Defining and Revitalizing “Severely Distressed’ Public Housing,” Housing Policy Debate, vol. 4, no. 2 (1993).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Jacobs, Jane, The Economy of Cities (New York: Random House, 1969), p. 150.Google Scholar

6 Sowell, Thomas, Race and Economics (New York: McKay, 1975), p. 238.Google Scholar

7 See, e.g., Veiller, Lawrence, Housing Reform: A Handbook for Practical Use in American Cities (Philadelphia: William F. Fell Co., 1910)Google Scholar. For Riis, Jacob, see his How the Other Half Lives: Studies among the Tenements of New York (1890; New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1903).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Wood, Edith Elmer, Recent Trends in American Housing (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1931), p. 39.Google Scholar

9 Slums of Great Cities: Seventh Annual Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor (Washington, DC: Commissioner of Labor, 1894).Google Scholar

10 Abbott, Edith, The Tenements of Chicago, 1908–1935 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), p. 371.Google Scholar

11 Ibid., p. 343.

12 Woods, Robert A. and Kennedy, Albert J., The Zone of Emergence: Observations of the Lower Middle and Upper Working Class Communities of Boston, 1905–1914 (Cambridge, MA: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, 1962), p. 151Google Scholar. Writing about the large numbers of frame three-decker homes being built in Boston, Woods and Kennedy observe: “One cellar, one water and gas main, one plumbing shaft for three families, divide the cost of these by three for each family. The number of tenants that can be accommodated is, of course, multiplied by three and this is what has made possible such a large outpouring from the city proper.”

13 Straus, Nathan, The Seven Myths of Housing (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1945), p. xiGoogle Scholar. It is worth noting that long-term mortgages did not come into widespread use until after the Depression; it had previously been common for payments to be made over a relatively short time period—perhaps five years—after which the owner would owe one large “balloon payment” to the lender (a payment which the buyer often could not afford). The development of federal institutions, such as the Federal Housing Administration, to encourage home ownership and the development of mortgage banking, is a reflection of the fact that housing reformers were only one of the interest groups influencing New Deal policy.

14 Abbott, , The Tenements of Chicago, p. 38.Google Scholar

15 Rees, Philip H., Residential Patterns in American Cities (Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper no. 189, 1979), p. 47.Google Scholar

16 Jernigan, David, “The Community Reinvestment Act,” Kennedy School of Government Case Study C14–80–336.0, Harvard University, 1980.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., p. 2.

18 Bratt, Rachel, Keyes, Langley, Schwartz, Alex, and Vidal, Avis, Confronting the Management Challenge: Affordable Housing in the Non-Profit Sector (New York: Community Development Research Center, Graduate School of Management and Urban Policy, New School for Social Research, 1994), p. 106.Google Scholar

19 Jacobs, Jane, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Modern Library, 1993), p. 244.Google Scholar

20 See Himmelfarb, Gertrude, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York: Knopf, 1983), pp. 160–63Google Scholar, for a description of the so-called Speehamland system of government-paid wage supplements. In this system, wages were supplemented by public funds so that they would meet “a minimum level of subsistence, determined by such objective measures as the price of bread and the size of the family” (ibid., p. 163).

21 The issue had been simmering for some time, however. In his first State of the Union address and again in his 1995 address, Bill Clinton deplored the fact that the U.S. minimum wage of $4.60 had gone without increase for more than a decade and proposed that it be raised.

22 From a report on the minimum wage, broadcast on the Cable News Network, 01 8, 1996.Google Scholar

23 West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U.S. 379 (1937).Google Scholar

24 Friedman, Milton, An Economist's Protest (Glen Ridge, NJ: Thomas Horton and Company, 1972), pp. 144–45.Google Scholar

25 Quoted in Jenkins, Vlad, “The Urban League and the Youth Subminimum Wage,” Kennedy School of Government Case Study C15–86–720.0, Harvard University, 1986, p. 4.Google Scholar

26 “The Philippines: Smoking Mountain Blues,” The Economist, 09 9, 1996.Google Scholar

27 Jacobs, Jane, Cities and the Wealth of Nations (New York: Random House, 1984), p. 194.Google Scholar

28 Hunter, Robert, Poverty: Social Conscience in the Progressive Era (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 350Google Scholar; see also the introduction by Jones, Peter d'A., p. xix.Google Scholar

29 Ellwood, David T., Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family (New York: Basic Books, 1988), p. 89.Google Scholar

30 See Ellwood, David T., Targeting “Would-Be” Long-Term Recipients of AFDC, Report to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (Princeton, NJ: Mathematica Policy Research, 1986)Google Scholar; and Bane, Mary Jo and Ellwood, David T., The Dynamics of Dependence: The Routes to Self-Sufficiency, Report to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (Cambridge, MA: Urban Systems Research and Engineering, 1983).Google Scholar

31 Wispe, Lauren, The Psychology of Sympathy (New York and London: Plenum Press, 1991), p. 135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Berkowitz, Leonard, “Social Norms, Feelings, and Other Factors Affecting Helping Behavior,” in Berkowitz, Leonard, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (New York: Academic Press, 1964), vol. 6, pp. 63106Google Scholar, quoted in Wispe, , The Psychology of Sympathy, p. 166.Google Scholar

33 Kant, Immanuel, Groundwork for the Metaphysics of Morals, trans. Paton, H. J. (London: Hutchinson, 1956)Google Scholar, quoted in Wispe, , The Psychology of Sympathy, p. 167.Google Scholar

34 Niebuhr, Reinhold, Beyond Tragedy (New York: Scribner's, 1937), p. 155.Google Scholar

35 Hardin, Garrett, The Limits of Altruism (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1977), p. 127.Google Scholar

36 Banfield, Edward, The Unheavenly City (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co, 1968), pp. 250–51.Google Scholar

37 Milton, and Friedman, Rose, The Tyranny of the Status Quo (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984).Google Scholar

38 Piven, Frances Fox and Cloward, Richard A., Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Random House, 1971), p. 342.Google Scholar

39 Woods, Robert A., Handbook of Settlements (New York, 1911)Google Scholar. See also Trolander, Judith Ann, Professionalism and Social Change: From the Settlement House Movement to Neighborhood Centers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

40 See Husock, Howard, “It's Time to Take Habitat for Humanity Seriously,” City Journal, vol. 5, no. 3 (Summer 1995).Google Scholar

41 Millard Fuller, quoted in ibid., p. 38.