Abstract
In this paper I present an analysis of the so called definiteness effect in connection with existential there sentences (ETSs) which builds upon the analysis given in Barwise & Cooper (1981) (henceforth B&C). Based on the setting assumed in that paper we construct a simple discourse theory, designed to account for how discourse anaphors (i.e. backward looking noun phrases) get their semantic value. In addition to the treatment of ETSs, we propose an answer to why it is definite noun phrases that typically are discourse anaphors, and not the indefinites. To do that we will employ a constraint on sentence interpretation which was used implicitly in B & C in their treatment of ETSs. It is defined as follows.
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References
Barwise, J. and Cooper, R.: 1981, ‘Generalized Quantifiers and Natural Language’, Linguistics and Philosophy 4, pp. 159–219.
van Benthem, J.: 1984, ‘Questions about Quantifiers’, Journal of Symbolic Logic 49, pp. 443–466.
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Heim, I.: 1982, The Semantics of Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases, GLSA, Amherst, Massachusetts.
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Keenan, E.: 1985, A Semantic Definition of “Indefinite NP”, manuscript, UCLA.
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© 1987 D. Reidel Publishing Company
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Johnsen, L.G. (1987). There-Sentences and Generalized Quantifiers. In: Gärdenfors, P. (eds) Generalized Quantifiers. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 31. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3381-1_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3381-1_4
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