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De Volder’s Cartesian Physics and Experimental Pedagogy

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Cartesian Empiricisms

Part of the book series: Studies in History and Philosophy of Science ((AUST,volume 31))

Abstract

In 1675, Burchard de Volder (1643–1709) was the first professor to introduce the demonstration of experiment into a university physics course and built the Leiden Physics Theatre to accommodate this new pedagogy. When he requested the funds from the university to build the facility, he claimed that the performance of experiments would demonstrate the “truth and certainty” of the postulates of theoretical physics. Such a claim is interesting given de Volder’s lifelong commitment to Cartesian scientia. This chapter will examine de Volder’s views on experiment and show that they are not Newtonian or inductivist, as is sometimes claimed. While de Volder thinks we need deductive reasoning from first principles to provide evidence of the certainty of the content of our physical theories, he also contends that we need experiment to provide evidence of the certainty of the existence of the particular bodies those theories discuss. This approach to experiment is based on a distinction between rational certainty and the certainty of material bodies in the actual world. While this account is deeply influenced by Descartes, it is importantly different than Descartes’ distinction between absolute and moral certainty. De Volder’s “Cartesian Empiricism” is best understood as a continuation and further development of a long tradition of teaching through observation at Leiden.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Thijssen-Schoute 1954, 55; Ruestow 1973, 110.

  2. 2.

    For example, see Sassen 1970, 7.

  3. 3.

    Later in his career, de Volder taught Rohault’s Traité de Physique in his courses. Le Clerc 1709, 398; repeated in Thijssen-Schoute 1954, 654; and Ruestow 1973, 103. Initially de Volder used Boyle’s text. It is not clear when he switched to Rohault’s or when he came to know the work of the French philosopher. I mention this to point out that his documented early exposure to experimental physics comes by way of England, though at some point, he clearly was familiar with the French Rohault. For Rohault’s Cartesian physics, see Chap. 9 by Dobre.

  4. 4.

    Heilbron 1982.

  5. 5.

    See van Berkel 1985; Cook 1992, 2007; van Berkel et al. 1999.

  6. 6.

    See De Clercq 1988, 1989, 1997a, b; Daumas 1972; Crommelin 1926, 1935, 1951.

  7. 7.

    See Otterspeer 2008, 2001; van Poelgeest 1984 is a document in the Western Special Collections Room at Leiden University library, it has a small entry on de Volder; Suringer 1865; Siegenbeek 1832.

  8. 8.

    See Thijssen-Schoute 1954; Schuurman 2004 (while this is a work on the reception of Descartes’ and Locke’s epistemologies, it discusses de Volder in relation to the British influence on Dutch science); Wiesenfeldt 2000.

  9. 9.

    Vermij 2003.

  10. 10.

    See Sassen 1970; Lindeboom 1972 (Chap. 2 is a brief biography of de Volder), 1974; Kegal-Brinkgreve and Luyendijk-Elshout 1983; Knoeff 2002; Klein 2003.

  11. 11.

    Ruestow 1973 gives considerable attention to de Volder in Chaps. 5 and 6; Wiesenfeldt 2002, Chap. 11 is on de Volder.

  12. 12.

    See Loemker 1946; Ross 1986; Cardoso 1996; Jesseph 1998; Lodge 1998, 2001, 2004; Rey 2009a, b.

  13. 13.

    See Klever 1997, Chap. 11, 1988; Lodge 2005.

  14. 14.

    Gronovio 1709.

  15. 15.

    Le Clerc 1709.

  16. 16.

    Niceron 1733.

  17. 17.

    Van Miert 2009, 32–34.

  18. 18.

    Le Clerc 1709, 349.

  19. 19.

    Wiesenfeldt 2003, 910. Arnauld Senguerd studied under Burgersdijk at Leiden and Burgersdijk’s Institutionum Logicarum (1626) was the standard logic textbook in The Netherlands at the time.

  20. 20.

    Van Miert 2003, 102.

  21. 21.

    Klever 1988, 199.

  22. 22.

    Le Clerc 1709, 348.

  23. 23.

    Knoeff 2002, 24.

  24. 24.

    Smith 2004, 223.

  25. 25.

    Le Clerc 1709, 350.

  26. 26.

    For more on Burgersdijk, see Bos and Krop 1993.

  27. 27.

    McGahagan 1976, 109.

  28. 28.

    Spaans 2007, 333. See Nyden-Bullock 1999, 2007, 13 and 46–47.

  29. 29.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 2.

  30. 30.

    November 1684 letter from de Volder to Newton in Hall 1982, 11.

  31. 31.

    Boas Hall 1966, 1n14; De Clercq 1997a, 134–135; There is nothing known with certainty about the scientists de Volder met in England, see Lindeboom 1974, 6.

  32. 32.

    Molhuysen 1918, 293.

  33. 33.

    Crommelin 1926, 1–2, 1951, 2; De Clercq 1997b, 42–43; Turner 1998, 103; Klever 1988, 199; Otterspeer 2001, 325; Knoeff 2002, 23.

  34. 34.

    Lindeboom 1972, 6; De Clercq 1997a, 134–135, 1989, 5; Knoeff 2002, 24; Schuurman 2004, 64.

  35. 35.

    On the diversity of approaches to experiment, see Jalobeanu 2013.

  36. 36.

    See Wiesenfeldt 2000.

  37. 37.

    Molhuysen 1918, 298: “D. Burchardus de Volder, Professor Philosophiae in dese Universiteyt, heeft aen de H.C. ende B. soo mondelingh als by geschrifte gerepresenteert de nuttigheyt ende de groote avantages, die dese Universiteyt soude konnen werden toegebraght, indien nae het exempel van andere uytlandsche academien en illustre scholen alhier in dese Universiteyt by experimenten moghten werden gedoceert en aengewesen de waerheyt ende seekerheyt van die stellingen ende leeren, die in Physica theoretica de studenten werden voorgehouden, met presentatie dat hy niets soo lieff soude sien dan dat C. ende B. voorn. hem tot de exercitie praefatae Physicae experimentalis soude believen te admitteren ende daer toe te subministreren soodanigh een plaets, mitsgaders alsulke instrumenta ende verdere nootsaekelycheden, als de voors. demonstratie soude komen te vereyschen; sijnde de voorn. de Volder absolutelyck gepersuadeert dat, behalve de nuttigheyt ende het vermaek van de voors. te doene demonstratie, door deselve veele studenten van andere academien ende scholen herwaarts aengeloct ende het studium Physices seer gefaciliteert soude konnen werden. Waerop gedelibereert sijnde is goedgevouden ende geresolveert dat dese saeke wat nader sal werden geexamineert, ende overwoogen welke ende hoedanige plaetsen dairtoe best soude konnen werden geappliceert en hoeverre dese Universiteyt daer mede als oock met den incoop ende onderhoud van de nodige instrumenten ende preparatien soude werden belast, om ‘t selve gedaen sijnde, alsdan soodanigh te werden geresolveert als bevouden sal werden te behooren.”

  38. 38.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 3.

  39. 39.

    Van Bunge 2001, 45.

  40. 40.

    Molhuyusen 1918, III, 320; Knoeff 2002, 25–26. For other condemnations of Cartesian philosophy, see Chap. 2 by Ariew.

  41. 41.

    Consideratien over de Resolutie van de Ed. Achtbare Heeren Curateuren der Universiteyt binnin Leyden, en Borgermeestern de selver Stede, &c, Aernoudt Doude, 1676.

  42. 42.

    Wiesenfeldt 2002, 3.

  43. 43.

    See Van Bunge 2001.

  44. 44.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 6.

  45. 45.

    On the continuities between Dutch Cartesianism and Newtonianism at Leiden see Krop 2003. On the ways professors at Leiden combined various natural philosophies see Ruestow 1973 (Despite Ruestow’s recognition of eclecticism and synthesis, he does represent the movement from Cartesianism to Newtonianism at Leiden as continuous).

  46. 46.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 6.

  47. 47.

    Knoeff 2002, 23.

  48. 48.

    Wiesenfelt 2000, 3; Knoeff 2002, 24.

  49. 49.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 3.

  50. 50.

    De Clercq 1997a, 17, 1989, 10.

  51. 51.

    Wiesenfeldt 2000, 5.

  52. 52.

    Otterspeer 2001, 331.

  53. 53.

    De Clercq 1997b, 10.

  54. 54.

    Vinson 1676–1677.

  55. 55.

    Le Clerc 1709, 398, cited in Ruestow 1973, 103.

  56. 56.

    De Clercq 1997a, 108 and 152.

  57. 57.

    Bernoulli to Leibniz January 8, 1698, translation from De Clercq 1997a, 143.

  58. 58.

    Heilbron 1982, 132–133.

  59. 59.

    See Ahnert 2002.

  60. 60.

    Schuurman 2004, 66.

  61. 61.

    Heilbron 1982, 134 and 153.

  62. 62.

    Heilbron 1982, 133–139.

  63. 63.

    See Gori 1972.

  64. 64.

    De Clercq 1989, 8.

  65. 65.

    Otterspeer 2001, 333.

  66. 66.

    Smith 2004, 221. The commitment to practical knowledge is particularly evident in Leiden’s engineering school, School voor Nederduytsche Mathematique, set up by Simon Stevin, which was closely associated with the University (Van Bunge 2001, 2).

  67. 67.

    Letter from Willem of Orange to the States of Holland and Zelland (December 28, 1574), quoted from Otterspeer 2001, 325.

  68. 68.

    Smith 2004, 226. For a discussion of this aspect of Descartes’ philosophy see the first section of Chap. 5 by Smith.

  69. 69.

    Smith 2004, 228.

  70. 70.

    Smith 2004, 223.

  71. 71.

    De Volder 1679, E1v-E2r

  72. 72.

    De Volder 1679, E2r. Note that similar themes are found in Rohault’s preface to Traité de Physique. For a longer discussion of Rohault’s natural philosophy, see Chap. 9 by Dobre.

  73. 73.

    Ruestow 1973, 107.

  74. 74.

    De Volder 1698, 5.

  75. 75.

    De Volder 1679, E2r; see Klever 1988, 202.

  76. 76.

    De Volder 1679, E1v, 1681a, section XI, 11 and section XLVIII, 42; 1682, 32–33.

  77. 77.

    De Volder 1682, 4, 14, 17, 20, and 25.

  78. 78.

    De Volder 1682, 15, 1681a, section X and section XI, 10–12.

  79. 79.

    De Volder 1664, section I, 1.

  80. 80.

    De Volder 1679, E1v.

  81. 81.

    De Volder 1681a, 12; see Ruestow 1973, 93.

  82. 82.

    De Volder 1681a, 12.

  83. 83.

    Ruestow 1973, 95.

  84. 84.

    Klever 1988, 209.

  85. 85.

    De Volder 1682, 13–14: “Hae itaque illae artes sunt, quae non modo regulis, sed quod maximum est, quod que omnem rem consicit, frequenti exercitio eum menti nostrae ad omnes caeteras artes, scientiasve, ad omnia quae in vita occurrunt, fructuossimum confirment habitum, quo instructa nulla se veri specie decipi patiatur, sed errores expellat, nullas non….”

  86. 86.

    De Volder to Leibniz, November 12, 1699, translation in Leibniz 2013, 138–139.

  87. 87.

    For a discussion of Descartes’ concept of moral certainty in relation to other Cartesians, see Dobre 2013. For a discussion of the Scholastic roots of the concept of moral certainty, see Ariew 2011.

  88. 88.

    From French edition of Descartes’ Principles, see CSM I 289n2.

  89. 89.

    AT VIIIa 327, CSM I 289–290.

  90. 90.

    For discussion of Locke’s use of this example see van Leeuwen 1963, 135. For discussion of William Chillingworth’s use of this example see van Leeuwen 1963, 25; Orr 1967, 52; and Remer 1992, 30.

  91. 91.

    AT VIIIa 327, CSM I 290.

  92. 92.

    As Dobre explains, Descartes’ use of the intermediary category of “more than morally certain” was very confusing to his followers, who often tried to come up with new explanations and distinctions, Dobre 2013.

  93. 93.

    De Volder 1698, 17.

  94. 94.

    Klever overstates de Volder’s “Spinozism.” Klever suggests that de Volder, like Spinoza, accepts an absolute necessity and determinism. However, de Volder consistently attributes free will to God. See Klever 1988, 206.

  95. 95.

    De Volder 1698, 33–34: “Quae tandem omnia huc redeunt denique; In Metaphysicis, Mathematisque, quae solas ideas, easque clare & distincte perceptas tractant certa demum vigere ratiocinia. In hisce imperium obtinere & dominari Rationem. In Physicis vero, utut ex Hypothesi quam certissime concludamus, incertum tamen relinqui, eane, quae in ratiocinio assumsimus, corpora revera sint, an minus.”

  96. 96.

    De Volder 1698, 17: “Nam, praepter hoc commune omnium de corporibus disciplinam vitium, quod absque sensuum & experientiae auxilio determinare nequeant; num quae ratione vel exactissima conclusa sunt, ulli in rerum natura corpori competunt; multa alia sunt, quae in singulis haram ad certam desunt scientiam.”

  97. 97.

    Letter from Leibniz to de Volder dated May 13, 1699 in Leibniz 2013, 84–85.

  98. 98.

    De Volder 1681a, 20. He is echoing the view captured in Descartes’ famous clock metaphor, AT IXb 327, CSM I 289.

  99. 99.

    Klever 1988, 205.

  100. 100.

    De Volder 1681b, 12.

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Acknowledgements

This work was supported with an American Council of Learned Societies Fellowship, an American Philosophical Society Franklin Research Grant, an Obermann Center Fellowship at the University of Iowa and research support from Grinnell College. I would like to thank Mihnea Dobre, Paul Lodge, Gary Hatfield, and Sujeev Wickramasekara for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

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Nyden, T. (2013). De Volder’s Cartesian Physics and Experimental Pedagogy. In: Dobre, M., Nyden, T. (eds) Cartesian Empiricisms. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 31. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7690-6_10

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