Abstract
In the course of a recent project on cross-linguistic quantification and semantic typology (in collaboration with Emmon Bach and Angelika Kratzer), it has become increasingly apparent that there are significant differences between languages, and also between constructions within languages, in the extent to which the semantic interpretation of various kinds of sentences or constructions whose interpretation is in some sense “quantificational” is explicitly signaled by or encoded in the surface syntax. Leaving aside issues concerning scope ambiguity in sentences containing multiple quantifiers and concentrating on sentences with a single quantificational operator of some sort, one can find examples of two or three different kinds. In some cases, the semantic structure seems to be completely determined by the overt phrase structure; in some cases it seems to be determined by a combination of phrase structure and topic and/or focus structures, and in some cases it may be underdetermined by both of those and may result in sentences that are linguistically ambiguous (unless one can find arguments for calling them nonspecific or indeterminate instead) and only disambiguated, if at all, by the non-linguistic context.
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Partee, B.H. (1995). Quantificational Structures and Compositionality. In: Bach, E., Jelinek, E., Kratzer, A., Partee, B.H. (eds) Quantification in Natural Languages. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 54. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2817-1_17
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