^{page 462 note 1} I except Lydia and Hellespontus, of which the lists are very puzzling, both in order and in extent; they seem to me not to be founded on ecclesiastical lists, and to be unique in their character among all the provinces of Asia Minor.

^{page 462 note 2} (3) and (7) are discussed in my ‘Antiquities of Southern Phrygia and the Border Lands,’ see Amer. Journ. Arch. 1887 and 1888: the others are discussed in the course of the present paper.

^{page 462 note 3} This investigation forms the subject of a paper which will, I hope, soon appear in the Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society; the reasons in brief are (1) change in the lines of road, (2) military strength, (3) water supply.

^{page 463 note 1} I have proved this in detail in regard to the great eastern highway in my ‘Antiquities of Southern Phrygia.’

^{page 464 note 1} P. 557, (which Strabo considers to be in Phrygia), &c.

^{page 464 note 2} Tiberiopoiis in Phrygia, Pappa Tiberia in Pisidia, derive their name or second name from him.

^{page 465 note 1} I refer by the numbers to the two Supplements to C.I.L. vol. iii. published in the Ephemeris Epigraphica.

^{page 465 note 2} Amer. Journ. Arch., 1885.

^{page 466 note 1} Aelian, De Anim. XII. 39.

^{page 466 note 2} ‘Antiquities of Southern Phrygia and the Border Lands,’ in Amer. Journ. Arch.

^{page 467 note 1} Compare the history of the rivalry between Ephesos and Smyrna, Tarsos and Anazarbos, Nicaea and Nicomedia, &c.

^{page 467 note 2} Without such confirmation the existence of a decree of Kidyessos here would not he sufficient proof that the neighbouring city was Kidyessos.

^{page 468 note 1} Everyone who has tried knows the difficulty of catching the proper form of Turkish names from the badly articulated pronunciation of peasants. Geuk means blue, Geukche bluish, and Eyuk tumulus: both are very eommon in Turkish nomenclature.

^{page 468 note 2} I disregard here the well-known controversy as to the time and manner of this division, which is for our present purpose immaterial.

^{page 469 note 1} v.l., XXII.: read XV. It is impossible to find twenty-five cities which could belong to this conventus, when Apollonia, and the valley of Tabae, and Trapezopolis belong to Alabanda, Dionysopolis to Apameia.

^{page 470 note 1} Marquardt (I. 341) has shown that Philadelphia became the seat of a conventus between the times of Pliny and of Aristides.

^{page 470 note 2} The variation indicates that the later and common name was substituted in one MS. for the disused title Secunda.

^{page 470 note 3} Πακατιανῆς is the later name, added perhaps by Theod. himself, or by a seribe, to explain the name actually used by the emperors.

^{page 470 note 4} The name Pacatiana occurs as a highly probable correction, Cod. Theodos. xi. 23, 3 (rejected however by Gothofredus), A.D. 396, and in Not. Dignit., A.D. 413.

^{page 470 note 5} Salutaris first occurs in the case quoted above from Polem. Silv., where it is probably due to later correction.

^{page 471 note 1} ‘Saint Abercius,’ in Revue des Quest. Histor., 1883, p. 21.

^{page 473 note 1} In giving the limits 363 and 385 A.D. (though I used the dates only approximately) I made my view seem too hard and fast: the latest date at which the tale was first reduced to writing is the time when Salutaris became the universally used term, and we can hardly place this earlier than the beginning of the fifth century.

^{page 473 note 2} Mere excerpts of the stories of Ariadne and Therapon are given in the Acta Sanctorum: if any MS. can be found containing their complete biography, it Will be topographically very valuable.

^{page 473 note 3} Acta SS. Troph., Sabb., &c., where also the governor resident at Synnada has not the rank of consularis, which he had acquired some time before Justinian.

^{page 474 note 1} Voyage Numismatique, s.v. Brouzos.

^{page 475 note 1} Forbiger, Alte Gcogr., does distinguish the two, but in the same page he makes three remarks about the lesser city which are true only of the greater.

^{page 475 note 2} My quotations from the Act. Concil, are made from lists and notes, some written in Athens, some in Oxford (Mansi), some in Aberdeen: the paging varies according to three different editions. To reduce it to uniformity would necessitate weeks of toil, from which I shrink.

^{page 476 note 1} To determine this was one of the first objects which Mr. Sterrett and I proposed to ourselves in our exploration of 1883.

^{page 476 note 2} J. H. S. 1882.

^{page 477 note 1} The first corruption was ΔϵΥΚΑΛΛΙΟΥ, and then the gender was corrected: on the form Δοκιμαίου see Strab. p. 577. Hierapolitan marble, Const. Porph., Cerimon., p. 644.

^{page 479 note 1} Compare the account of the coinage of Peltae, given in my ‘Antiquities of Southern Phrygia and the Border Lands,’ which will shortly appear in the American Journal of Archacology.

^{page 479 note 1} Plut. Lucull. has Ὀτρύαι, where υ is probably a misspelling (common among late scribes) of οι, so that the word ought to be , Strab. p. 566.

^{page 479 note 3} Imhoof-Blumer, , Monn. Gr. p. 412: Mionnet s.v. Otrous.Google Scholar

^{page 480 note 1} Trois Villes Phrygiennes, p. 517: Ὀ[τροην]ῶν still seems to me most probable, on account of the small space remaining in the line to receive the missing letters.

^{page 480 note 2} Two other inscriptions of Brouzos are published in my Trois Villes Phrygiennes. One contains the remarkable expressions and

^{page 481 note 1} See Imhoof-Blumer, , Zeitsch. f. Numism. 1885Google Scholar, and Waddington, Voyage Numismatique. These mountains, over which an easy road passes west and east, are impassable north to south.

^{page 482 note 1} Marquardt is not quite certain whether Philomelion was the seat of a conventus.

^{page 482 note 1} ‘Inscriptions Inédites de Marbres Phrygiens,’ in Mélanges d' Archéol. et de Ling., Rome, 1882.

^{page 484 note 1} About 859 A. D. or soon after.

^{page 485 note 1} C. I. G., 3818.

^{page 485 note 2} Eph. Epigr., 176 and 1466.

^{page 486 note 1} It is remarkable that the historian specifies the road by such an unimportant name as Ἀμποῦν, when well-known cities existed on this well-known and frequently used road.

^{page 487 note 1} e.g. Kolossal and Khonai are two different cities, near each other; the latter in late time supplanted the former.

^{page 487 note 2} Ἀκροηνός, strictly, is an adjective, and occurs as such in the Tekmorian inscriptions: cp. Ὀτροηνός from Ὄτρους. The name refers to the remarkable rock (Greek ἀκρός).

^{page 488 note 1} ‘Prymnessos and Metropolis,’ in Mittheil. Athen., 1882. In this, my first attempt at reasoning on Phrygian topography, with only a hurried glance at the district to work on, and encumbered by the traditional misconception as to the road from Nakoleia to Synnada, I am pleased to be able to quote the discussion of the site of Acroenos as conclusive, and to confirm by fresh reasons the situation assigned to Augustopolis.

^{page 488 note 2} See my paper ‘Antiq. of S. Phrygia and the Border Lands.’

^{page 488 note 3} As I shall prove in a forthcoming study of Galatia.

^{page 489 note 1} The insertion is mine.

^{page 489 note 2} Yet in 570, using a different authority, Artemidorus, he places Tabae in Pisidia. Tabae is perhaps corrupt in the passage in the text above.

^{page 489 note 3} Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieget. 815.

^{page 490 note 1} Synnada to Tchai 9 hrs., Tchai to Philomelion (Ak Sheher) 9 hrs.

^{page 490 note 2} These provinces disappeared, politically speaking, long before the Turkish power began: but ecclesiastically, they lived as long as the Church organization lived.

^{page 491 note 1} This must certainly be corrected to 5: no army could march 75 miles in three days, and it is clear that 12 to 15 miles was the day's march, and a very good march it is.

^{page 492 note 1} I need hardly utter a warning against the error I made in the same paper, in identifying Augustopolis with Metropolis: the false belief that Metropolis struck numerous coins, together with Professor Hirschfeld's erroneous view about the position of the southern Metropolis, which I could only accept implicitly, were sufficient to mislead me.

^{page 492 note 2} Act. Sanct., April 6th, p. 550.

^{page 492 note 3} Horses ‘quos Phrygiae matres sacris praesepibus edunt,’ Claud. (‘sacris’ denotes imperial property): cp. Cod. Tlieodos. passim.

^{page 492 note 4} χώρας being understood: in Sparta πολιτικὴ χώρα was the property of the Spartiate community.

^{page 493 note 1} Gothofredus, , ad Cod. Thcodos. vol. ii. p. 56A.Google Scholar, promises the proof that Hermogeniani and Phrygiaci or Phrygisci were identical. I do not see that he has explicitly redeemed the promise; but the identification appears necessary. I should consider the simplest explanations of the names to be that Palmatius and Hermogenes were the respective lessees or managers of the Cappadocian and Phrygian estates in the latter part of the fourth century.

^{page 494 note 1} Nonnus and Stephanus agree in Boudeia and Doiantos Pedion: probably Nonnus is Stephanus' authority.

^{page 494 note 2} The unimportant name Beudos has been assimilated by copyists to the well-known Blandos or Blaundos: the letter ρ often crept into the last syllable of the latter name, Βλέανδρος for Βλάρδος.

^{page 495 note 1} I have visited Geneli (few remains), and inquired as to the course of the stream which rises there.

^{page 495 note 2} The distances agree well with this view.

^{page 495 note 3} The possibility must however still be left open, either that Pliny is wrong in distinguishing Metropolis and Euphorbium (a supposition which is most improbable, considering that Pliny is doubtless quoting from a list of the conventus), or that these two cities were both in the same valley, and that later Euphorbium was merged in Metropolis.

^{page 497 note 1} Implying a transposition, Adamassos: cp. Kapatiana, Morea (= Romaia), Καπλικλάριος (clavicularais), &c.

^{page 497 note 2} Gesch. d. Hellenismus.

^{page 497 note 3} I saw several coins of Lysias at Sandykli: this suggests a situation within easy communication of Synnada and the Pentapolis.

^{page 498 note 1} De Thematibus, i. pp. 14 and 25; the correct inference as to the general, though not as to the special, site of Meros has already been drawn by several authorities, e.g. Kiepert on Franz, Fünf Inschr.

^{page 499 note 1} [Κ]ωμάρχ[ης is also possible: the other letters, though incomplete, are certain.

^{page 499 note 2} Tekke, establishment of dervishes.

^{page 499 note 3} In Sultan Ala-Eddin's time the place where Seid died was discovered by a special revelation: a field near was called Shesh-enkutsch. The revelation was, as we now see, false: and no continuous tradition existed. For the story see Ethe, , Fahrten des Sayyid Batthal, Leipzig, 1871, p. 215.Google Scholar

^{page 500 note 1} In the earlier Notitiae the intermediate class of exists, but these archbishoprics are all converted into metropoleis in the latest Notitiae.

^{page 500 note 2} Theophan. I. 402.

Theophan. contin., 484.

^{page 500 note 3} It has to be distinguished from the direct road to Ankyra, the pilgrim's route, which I have described in an Appendix to the translation of the Bordeaux Itinerary published by the Palestine Exploration Fund.

^{page 501 note 1} Malagina is apparently a late name for Justinianopolis Mela, now Bilejik: Colonia Archelais is now Ak Serai: Dazimon is the Kaz Ova north of Tocat: on Kaborkion see below.

^{page 501 note 2} The Latin text has in vico Caccaba or Choccaba.

^{page 502 note 1} Published by me incomplete, J. H. S., 1882, p. 125. The restoration proposed by Prof. Gomperz, , Arch. Epigr. Mitth. Oesterr. vi. p. 52, is incorrect.Google Scholar

^{page 502 note 2} In Not. X. and XIII. the name is given twice Kamarkos and Kabarkion: Not. III., which is a copy of the same list, gives the correct text.

^{page 503 note 1} This I have proved iu my forthcoming ‘Antiquities, of Southern Phrygia.’

^{page 505 note 1} Act. Sanct., April 22, p. 42.

^{page 506 note 1} At the same time, pending further investigation, I quite admit that Eudokias (as I was disposed some years ago to think) may be a temporary name of Kotiaion, and that for some reason or from error Hierocles may have placed it in Pacatiana.

^{page 506 note 2} See Ambason.

^{page 507 note 1} Hierocles mentions them in the genitive, because he uses as authority lists of bishoprics.

^{page 507 note 2} In this passage I have transposed Λυκάονϵς and Φυλακήνσιοι: elsewhere I have proved that this change introduces geographical accuracy, in place of inconceivable inaccuracy. The error was produced by a would-be corrector, who thought that Λυκάονϵς must be παρὰ τὴρ Λυκίαν, where Phylakaion and Themisonion were adjoining cities on the Lycio-Caro-Phrygian frontier (see my paper on ‘Antiquities of Southern Phrygian,’ in the Amer. J. Arch. 1887). I have also corrected the form of (see above) and seems to me a false form (perhaps )

^{page 508 note 1} Except in the Strategiai of Cappadocia, but the geography of that country is very difficult even with modem maps, and was then little known, whereas this part of Phrygia was well known.

^{page 508 note 2} Near Kalejik: I have not visited it. The permanence of religious institutions in Asia Minor is an interesting subject in many respects.

^{page 509 note 1} Restored from the Latin version, and from the other signatures.

^{page 510 note 1} One who listens to the remarkable music of the flute and cymbals at the dances of dervishes in Konia or Kara Hissar of Phrygia can understand the intoxicating influence which it had over the devotees and populace of antiquity.

^{page 510 note 2} This must be subsequent to the founding of Constantinople: the road system was then revolutionized: all roads henceforward led not to Rome but to Constantinople, and Apameia, previously on the great eastern highway, was on a mere by-road, away from the main tracks of intercourse. Not. X., XIII, confuse Abrokra and Kaborkion.

^{page 510 note 3} Prepenissos in Mysia interior with Alondda and Trajanopolis.

^{page 512 note 1} Cp. Ἐσουακώμη, where Ε is inorganic, as in Ἰσκύμνος for Σκύμνος &c.

^{page 513 note 1} So Ptolemy's Παταούιον must be corrected.

^{page 515 note 1} The course of this river is utterly false in Kiepert's map.

^{page 515 note 2} Sic.

^{page 515 note 3} The evidence of Concil. Constantin. 870 is doubtful, but rather tends to show that the original arrangement had been restored.

^{page 517 note 1} Κάδοι nom. for but Καδοῦς accus. for

^{page 517 note 2} The variation of vowel as in Atreus and Otreus, Attalos and Ottalos, Tataion and Tottaion.

^{page 517 note 3} Pausan, i. 35, 8.

^{page 518 note 1} In Part I. I failed to observe the identity of Motella and Metellopolis, and was obliged by the course of my investigation to put them side by side. I detected the identity just too late to change the text of my paper.

^{page 519 note 1} Called by Arundel Besh Sheher.

^{page 519 note 2} Wagener, Inscr. Grec. Recueillies en Asie Min. No. I. (read Λ for Α, in day of month).

^{page 519 note 3} Koula was once a great centre for the madder-root trade, though in recent years madder-root has been superseded by bad cheap European dyes, and Kara Tash district, once rich, is now impoverished.

^{page 519 note 4} I must correct the statement made by Mr.Smith, A. H. in this Journal, p. 220Google Scholar, that ‘the chief topographical results of our journey have been already published by Prof. Ramsay.’ I purposely left the whole subject to Mr. Smith: but as his report was delayed, I published a very few topographical results, which were likely to have been discovered by more recent travellers. Those which I published made about a tenth part of the results of our journey: the rest may be found in the American Journal.

Note to LXXXVI. Aurokra is omitted Not.