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“Insurgent subjectivity: Hope and its interactant emotions in the Nicaraguan revolution”

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A Correction to this article was published on 13 April 2023

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Abstract

This article examines the role of emotions during insurgent conditions by focusing on the Nicaraguan revolution, in particular the two-year period (1977–1979) leading to the overthrow of the Somoza regime. Based on an analysis of testimonial accounts from an oral history volume, ¡Y Se Armó La Runga!, and a NVivo-10 content analysis of testimonies therein, it sets out to make a case for the significance of hope as a dominant emotion during guerrilla offensives. The manuscript answers the following questions: 1) What is the role of hope during guerrilla offensives?; 2) what other emotions are in play during these events?; and 3) in what ways does hope combine with other emotions to maintain insurgent activism? In addition to defining and coding eleven negative and positive emotions (analyzed as secondary emotions), it evaluates the varied relationships these have to hope. To accomplish the latter varied emotion chains are identified for each respective secondary emotion.

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  1. To be more precise I am focusing on the insurrectionary phase of the revolution. I employ the term “revolution” for lexical convenience, even though scholars of revolution recognize that various phases –e.g., insurrection, revolution, and post-revolution– are associated with revolution.

  2. On recent developments for the relevance of subjectivity in the study of political contention, see Case (2021a, 2021b).

  3. On social-psychologists, see for example, Gordon (2001); Rosenberg (1990); and Thoits (1989). On philosophers and sociologists of emotions, see for example, Sousa (1990); Denzin (1984) Hochschild (1975, 1979): 551–575; Kemper (1978); Sartre (1975); Scheff (1994), and Solomon (1993). On feminist scholars, see for example, Collins (1990) and Jaggar (1989).

  4. In addition to guerrilla offensives, Reed (2004, 2020) also focuses on state-driven (governing accelerators), spontaneous (contingent accelerators), and partisan events (organized accelerators). Importantly, moral outrage was the dominant emotion in governing accelerators.

  5. Dr. Edwin Matamoros is current Director of the Instituto de Historia de Nicaragua y Centroamérica (IHNCA) at the Universidad Centroamericana (UCA), where the collected interviews have been housed since 1989. IHNCA is an independent institute.

  6. Lupe Montoya, Facebook message to author, February 14, 2021.

  7. On ideal types, see Roth (1971) and Hekman (1983).

  8. This causal and reinforcement dynamic is the basis of hope theory. I have applied it to a revolutionary scenario. On hope theory, see Snyder et al. (1996) and Rand and Cheavens (2011).

  9. A similar point is made by McAdam (1982) when he links political opportunity contexts (objective conditions) to “cognitive liberation” (subjectivity), noting the latter attribution process is a significant factor in political mobilization. I extend this insight to hope. As I argue below, hope meant “emotional liberation” (Flam 2005).

  10. Williamson (2011) also defines courage as an emotion.

  11. On the connection between group cohesion, trust, in-group commitment, pride, and goal pursuit and environmental adaptation, see Williams and Davies (2017).

  12. On the connection between pride and achievement motivation, see Lewis (2016).

  13. On the connection between pride and hope, see Martin (2019).

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This study was partly funded by the Office of Sponsored Projects Administration (OSPA).

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Correspondence to Jean-Pierre Reed.

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Reed, JP. “Insurgent subjectivity: Hope and its interactant emotions in the Nicaraguan revolution”. Theor Soc 52, 387–421 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-022-09504-1

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