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Some comments on Lehrer semantics

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Abstract

Lehrer Semantics, as it was devised by Adrienne and Keith Lehrer, is imbedded in a comprehensive web of thought and observations of language use and development, communication, and social interaction, all these as empirical phenomena. Rather than for a theory, I take it for a “model” of the kind which gives us guidance in how to organize linguistic and language-related phenomena. My comments on it are restricted to three aspects: In 2 I deal with the question of how Lehrerian sense can be empirically distinguished from Lehrerian reference as a precondition for the claim that sense relationships are in general more stable than reference relations. It seems that this very claim must already be presupposed for doing the respective empirical investigation. But in 3, I argue for the option to interpret the Lehrers’ concept of sense resp. sense vectors as intension concepts, by which move one may gain a generalized concept, so-to-say “graded analyticity”, containing Carnapian strict analyticity for language systems as the extreme case of sense vectors with maximum value. Such graded sense may also be empirically investigated in the case of normal languages. In 4, I plead for my view that what the Lehrers take for communal languages are really collections of family-resembling idiolects of individual speakers and hypotheses of individual speakers about the idiolects of their fellow speakers. This move should free us from the fiction of, and sterile discussions about, the “true” meanings of words, but nevertheless keep normal language communication possible. As a concluding remark I propose in 5 to have both: normal languages from an empirical point of view, and codified languages from a logical reconstructionist one.

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Notes

  1. Where both Adrienne and Keith Lehrer are concerned, I’ll refer to them as “The Lehrers”.

  2. I’ll use the term normal language for natural idiolects, dialects, communal language, and all such even if enriched by professional or scientific vocabulary.

  3. Not in the model theoretic sense, of course.

  4. Some technical details were changed in later publications. For instance, in (1981, 63ff.) he still used logical probabilities for a semantic measure of what he then still called meaning. This was very reminiscent of Carnap and at least nearer to an analytic/synthetic distinction than his later development. In Lehrer and Lehrer (1998, p. 126ff.) the stronger condition of meaning being a probability function reduces to a more cautious sense of a word represented by a numerical “function of a word f to a lexical place l in a semantic field, admitting of degrees”. This move leaves some leeway for further specification. But these details need not concern us here.

  5. For instance A. Lehrer (this volume).

  6. I like to put this in the slogan “Everybody speaks her own private language”.

  7. As well as other members of the family of intension concepts like “synonymy”, “intension”, etc.

  8. Personal communication.

  9. Cp. Carnap (1955) and Carnap (1963), where he gives a fictive example of how linguists may decide empirically on the analyticity of some normal language sentence.

  10. Also A. Lehrer (this volume), similarly K. Lehrer in Lehrer & Wagner (1980) and at many other places.

  11. For instance A. Lehrer (this volume).

  12. More precisely: M2 switches to what she assumes to be M1‘s idiolect. Thus, communication rest always on hypotheses.

  13. Think of the endless discussions on the “correct” concept of knowledge.

References

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Acknowledgments

I am grateful to Adrienne Lehrer for valuable comments on previous versions of this paper and to Keith Lehrer for an (at least to me) thought-provoking discussion of my presentation at the conference. Either prompted me to try making my points more explicit.

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Schramm, A. Some comments on Lehrer semantics. Philos Stud 161, 109–117 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-012-9940-5

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