Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-tj2md Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-17T23:00:05.182Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The eleventh ode of Bacchylides: Hera, Artemis, and the absence of Dionysos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

Richard Seaford
Richard Seaford
Affiliation:
The University of Exeter
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

The eleventh ode of Bacchylides begins and ends at Metapontum. But most of it is devoted to two myths about Tiryns. The first of these is the insult to Hera by the daughters of King Proitos and their consequent madness: they leave Tiryns to roam in the wild, until with the permission of Hera they are cured by Artemis, to whom they then build, with their father, an altar. The second is the earlier quarrel at Argos between the brothers Proitos and Akrisios which led to the foundation by Proitos of Tiryns. The latter myth is framed by the former, and the correspondences between the two are carefully implied: the story of the Proitids begins and ends with the foundation of the altar and cult of Artemis at Lousoi in the Arcadian mountains (41, 110), while the inner story begins and ends with the foundation of Tiryns (60-1, 80-1). Just as the girls’ departure from Tiryns led to the establishment of the altar, so the men left Argos and founded Tiryns. Both the joins between the stories are cemented by the idea of departure from a town (55-61, 80-4). Both stories move from a strange piece of folly to consequent suffering, prayers, divine ‘stopping’ of the suffering (76, 108), and finally the building of walls or altar. Similarly Alexidamos, deprived of an earlier Olympic victory by the ‘wandering wits’ of the judges, is now having his Pythian victory celebrated at Metapontum.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 108 , November 1988 , pp. 118 - 136
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1988

References

1 Burnett, A. P., The art of Bacchylides (Cambridge, Mass, and London 1985), 100–13Google Scholar; Segal, C. P. in QUCC xxii (1976) 122–8Google Scholar.

2 Die Lieder des Bakchylides, Erster Teil, Die Siegeslieder ii (Leiden 1982) 223Google Scholar.

3 FGrH 3 F 114. Cf. Hes. fr. 129.25 M-W δώματα πατρός (cf. 26.16-7). The claim acquires yet more point if, as seems likely (Wright, J. C. in JHS cii [1982] 195 ff.Google Scholar), the temple of Hera at Tiryns was built in the ruins of the main megaron of the Mycenaean palace, and the Heraeum (cf. below) was of similar aspect. For the importance of the father of the bride (and his house) in Attic depictions of marital abduction see Sourvinou-Inwood, in JHS cvii (1987) 143–4Google Scholar.

4 Seaford, in Hermes cxix (1986) 51–2Google Scholar, and in JHS cvii (1987) 106Google Scholar.

5 παλίντροπος of motion: S. Phil. 1222; E. HF 1069; Parmen. 6.9; etc.

6 E.g. Seaford, in Hermes cxix (1986), 52 n. 10Google Scholar; Calame, C., Les choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce archaique i (Rome 1977) 411–20Google Scholar.

7 Burkert, W., Homo necans (Engl. transl., California 1983), 62–3Google Scholar; Seaford, in JHS cvii (1987) 108–9Google Scholar; Cole, S. G. in ZPE lv (1984) 243 n. 60Google Scholar. Cf. esp. IA 1082-3 (Iphigeneia as a μόσχος from the mountainside) with 1113 μόσχοι τε, πρό γάμων ἃς θεᾶι πεσεῖν χρεών. In Bacchyl. Ode 16 it is appropriate that Herakles, about to send Iole to his home as bride (29: cf. e.g. S. Trach. 857, 893-5), should include in his sacrifices ἄʒυγα παρθένωι 'Aθάναι ύψικέραν βοῦν (20 ff.).

8 Hes. fr. 130 M-W πανέλληνες έμνηστευον αύτας; Apollod. ii 2.2 ως έτελειωθησαν, έμάνησαν; etc. (see Section 2).

9 Hes. fr. 131; V, Eel. 6. 48-51, no doubt from a Greek source; Myth. Vat. ii 68. And two of the Proitids are called Lysippe and Hipponoe. On horses in the cult see below n. 22.

10 See e.g. S. Trach. 526 ff.; E. Hipp. 545 ff, IA 1080 ff.

11 (n. 1) 112; cf. also E. IA 693; Horn. Il. xiii 379; etc.

12 Cf. also the unity of opposites in χρυσαλάκατος (arrow and distaff), βοῶπις (99 of Artemis, generally of Hera).

13 They are both honoured in the proteleia (Pollux iii 38). For Hera herself with two identities (virgin and married woman) see Calame [n. 6] 210); Pausan. ii 38. 2-3, 9.2.6 ff. (cf. Ov. Am. 3-13-10 f.); Schol. Pi. Ol. 6.149g. Cf. also the respective roles of Zeus and of Hera in the myth of Io.

14 ‘Hera represents the normal order of the polis—the inversion of this order is her anger’ (Burkert, W., Greek religion [Oxford 1985] 165Google Scholar). The inversion is part of a necessary process of transition.

15 Hes. fr. 37.10 ff.; Apollod. ii 2.2; etc. (West, M. L., The Hesiodic catalogue of women [Oxford 1985] 78–9Google Scholar).

16 Stiglitz, R., Die Grossen Göttinen Arkadiens (Vienna 1967) 103 ffGoogle Scholar. The title is found in the inscriptions at Lousoi. For the Lousian cult see also Jost, M., Sanctuaires et Cultes d'Arcadie (Paris 1985) 46–51, 419-25Google Scholar.

17 καλυκοστεφάνους, an epithet which assimilates them to Artemis (cf. B. 5.98). Late sixth century BC statuettes of young women found at the shrine have been identified both with Artemis herself and with girls making offerings to Artemis: Jost (n. 16) 421. With the χoρoί instituted by the Proitids cf. the terracotta dancers discovered in the shrine (Jost 421).

18 Cf. Pausan. viii 18.8. Cf. ii 7.8: Proitos founded a temple of Peitho (Persuasion) in Sikyon because his daughters recovered from their madness there. This is best explained by the role of Peitho in reconciling girls to marriage (Seaford [n. 7] 114 n. 94).

19 See the notices cited in ns. 20 and 22; also Pausan. ap. Eustath. on Il. ii 732; Apostol. 7.10; Append, prov. ii 54. We find here the same structure as in the myth in Bacchylides: offence against a deity, consequent catastrophe ended by the institution of a cult. And as at Brauron and elsewhere, the myth involves a single family but the cult is collective. Discussion: Brelich, A., Paides e Parthenoi (Rome 1969) 248–9Google Scholar; Sale, W. in RM cxviii (1975) 265–84Google Scholar; Lloyd-Jones, in JHS ciii (1983) 87–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cole (n. 7) 238 ff.

20 Suid. s.v. ‘Aρκτος η Bραυρωνίοις’; Schol. Ar. Lys. 645.

21 καί άπό τούτου αι κόραι πρό τοῦ γάμον άρκτεύειν ούκ ὤκνουν, ὤσττερ ὰφοσιούμεναΙ τὰ τῆς θηρίας (Bekker Anecd. Gr. i 445). Cf. Schol. Theocr. 2.66.

22 Brauron wooded in antiquity: Kontis, J. D. in A. Delt. xxii (1967) 206Google Scholar. For the importance of Artemis as huntress at Brauron see Kontis 188. For what is probably a depiction (fifth century BC) of the ίερόν κυνηγέσιον at Brauron see Kahil, L. in Antike Kunst xx (1977) 86 ffGoogle Scholar. Similarly, at Lousoi remains of wild animals have been found, including bears' teeth, but also representations of horses, in one case yoked. (Stiglitz [n. 16] 101; Jost [n. 16] 50.) For the arkteia as a preparation for marriage see n. 20, also Anekd. Bekk. i 44; Harpokrat. s.v. ‘άρκτεῦσαι’; Crater. FGrH 342 F 9; Calame (n. 6) 174-90 (festivals of Artemis generally as a preparation for marriage). The cult of Artemis just outside Metapontum may well have been similar: Bacchyl. 11. 37 ff., 112 ff.; Burnett (n. 1) 187 f; Maehler (n. 2) 195 f.

23 See the notices cited in n. 20 above.

24 Kontis (n. 22) 170 f.

25 (n. 7) 172. Similarly Burnett (n. 1) 190 n. 25, citing Callim. h. Artem. 233 ff. In the version of Pherekydes (n. 3) the madness is also ended with sacrifice to Hera. On the other hand Hsch. s.v. ‘άκρουχεί’ ( = S. fr. 309) mentions an Argive temple of Artemis founded by Melampous after purifying the Proitids.

26 Pausan. ii 17.5, viii 46.3. Kelly, T., A history of Argos to 500 BC (Minneapolis 1976) 60–8Google Scholar.

27 Nilsson, M. P., Griechische Feste von religiöser Bedeutung mit Ausschluss der attischen (Berlin 1906) 44Google Scholar; Zeitlin, in TAPA ci (1970) 662 n. 49.Google Scholar

28 Aeneas Tact, i 17; Nilsson (n. 27) 45; LeBas-Foucart, Inscriptions du Péloponnèse 112a.

29 E. El. 174; Nilsson (n. 27) 45; white dress: Ov. Am. iii 13 (v. 27), a relatively neglected source for the Heraia: O. is describing a festival of Juno at Falerii, but says Argiva est pompae facies (31), and that the festival was brought directly from Argos (31-6). Cf. D.H. AR i 21.

30 Ov. Am. iii 13.13 niveae… iuvencae (see previous note); Schol. Find. Ol. 7.152; etc. (Nilsson [n. 27] 43). Hera herself as white cow: Ov. Met. v 330 (and cf. Io as white cow: below, n. 34).

31 Even if he did not have ‘den argivischen kult im Auge’ (Nilsson [n. 27] 43), his picture must (cf. R. J. Tarrant, Seneca Agamemnon, ad 348 ff.) derive ultimately from Greek sources. Cf. also the epithalamian (Sen. Med. 61-2) Lucinam nivei femina corporis intemptata iugo placet.

32 E.M. s.v. ‘ʒευξιδία’.

33 A.R. iv 96; Musae. 275; LSJ s. ‘ʒύγιος II’.

34 Apollod. ii 1.3; Ov. Met. i 652, 743 (de bove nil superest, formae nisi candor, in ilia) associates the whiteness of the cow and of the girl; etc.

35 Apollod. ii 1.3; Pliny NH xvi 239; etc. (Burkert [n. 7] 166).

36 (n. 7) 167.

37 Palaephatus 51; Hdt. i 31; Nilsson (n. 27) 43.

38 Nilsson (n. 27) 45; Ov. Amor. iii 13.23 (cf. n. 29 above) iuvenes; Aen. Tact, i 17… πομπην σύν ὅπλοις τῶν έν τῆι ήλικίαι συχνῶν. The inscription mentioned in n. 28 refers to a ἄρμα πολεμιστήριον.

39 Myth and society in ancient Greece (Brighton 1980) 23Google Scholar.

40 LSJ s. ‘ʒυγόν VIII’; the verb ʒυγεῖν; Plut. Pel. 23 ʒευγῖται.

41 Vernant (n. 39) 24. For the festival as female initiation see Calame (n. 6) 220; as warrior initiation: Burkert (n. 7) 163. For combined male and female initiation rites see Lloyd-Jones (n. 19) 100.

42 Deubner, L., Attische Feste2 (Hildesheim 1966) 117, 177-8Google Scholar; Erdmann, W., Die Ehe im alten Griechenland (Munich 1934) 252Google Scholar; Detienne, M., The gardens of Adonis (transl, Brighton 1977) 89Google Scholar. Cf. Nilsson, Op. Sel. iii 243 ff.

43 For a wedding at the Heraia itself see Plut. Dem. 25; cf. also IT 220 ff. ἄγαμος ἄτεκνος ἄπολις ἄφιλος / ά μναστευθεῖσ’ έξ ‘Eλλάνων, (huc traiecit Scaliger) / ού τάν “Aργει μελπουσ’ ’Hραν / κτλ. Neither here nor at Lousoi and Brauron do I want to say that this was the only function of the cult. For example, married women probably participated in all three.

44 The local importance of Hera would explain why she presides over the kind of ritual elsewhere often dominated by Artemis (so Calame [n. 6] 213-4, 221-2). Accordingly, the Argive Hera regularly became a virgin (Pausan. ii 38.2-3); cf. Ov. Am. iii 13.19 f; n. 13 above. For the importance of the Argive Heraia to the unity of the polis see de Polignac, F., La naissance de la cité grecque (Paris 1984) 49 ffGoogle Scholar.

45 Burkert (n. 7) 163-4. Bronze: V. Aen. iii 286. Shields were said to have been invented in the struggle between Proitos and Akrisios (Apollod. ii 2.1; Pausan. ii 25.7). On the Argive combination of festal contests for the youths and marriage for the girls see Hygin. Fab. 273.1.

46 Plut. Arist. 20; Hdt. iv 34; Pausan. i 43.4, ii 32.1 (cf. E. Hipp. 1425-7).

47 AP vi 280 (cf. 189, 309); etc. (Burkert [n. 14] 70, 374).

48 n. 13 above; Plut. Mor. 264b; Burkert (n. 14) 151.

49 Nikander ap. Ant. Lib. Metam. 27; Duris 76 FGrH 88; Lykophr. Alex. 324; Tzetz. ad Lykophr. 183, 194, 323; etc. Brauron: Schol. Ar. Lys. 645; E. IT 1462 ff. The other aetiological myths of the arkteia are similar: see n. 19 above.

50 Lloyd-Jones (n. 19) 98; Sale in RhM cv (1962) 122s ff.

51 E. Pho. 151; Call. h.Art. 215-8; Schol. A. Sept. 532; etc.

52 Apollod. iii 9.2; Ov. Met. x 560-706; Vat. Myth, i 39; Hygin. Fab. 185; Serv. on V. Aen. iii 113; Vidal-Naquet, in Myth, religion and society (ed. Gordon, R. L., Cambridge 1981) 161–2Google Scholar.

53 Burkert (n. 14) 223; Calame (n. 6) 257, 262-3, 302; S. Aj. 172 ff. At Lykosoura Artemis wore a deerskin and carried a torch and snakes, like a maenad (Pausan. viii 37.4). For Artemis in Dionysiac company see LIMC s. ‘Artemis'ns. 1188, 1189, 1189a. At Lousoi she carried torches (LIMC ns. 106, 108, 109) and in one statuette wore a deer-skin (Reichel, W. and Wilhelm, A. in ÖJh iv [1901] 45 fig. 54Google Scholar). For further similarities between the two deities (as ‘strangers’, associated with λίuvαι see Vernant, J. P., La mort dans les yeux (Paris 1985) 15 ff.Google Scholar

54 Cf. also E. Ba. 699 f., 726 f., 734 ff., 866 ff, 977; Opp. Kyn. iv 311 ff.; Ar. Lys. 1308-13.

55 Od. xi 321-5; cf. D.S. v 51; Pausan. ii 23.7.

56 Calame (n. 6) 267-70; Brelich, A., Paides e parthenoi (Rome 1969) 165Google Scholar.

57 Calame (n. 6) 270.

58 This is usually proposed on the basis of the title Δύμαιναι ἢ Kαρυάτιδες (of a play by Pratinas) together with Hsch. s.v. ‘Δύμαιναι’: αℓ εν ∑πάρτηι χορίτιδες Bάκχαι (but cf. Calame [n. 6] 273-4). Note also, in Servius’ account,… (Dionysos) ad hospites redit, causam praetendens dedicandi fani, quod ex rex voverat… and suum secretum studiosus inquiri.

59 Referred to at Ov. Met. vi 125.

60 Deubner, L., Attische Feste (Berlin 1932) 118 ff.Google Scholar; Simon, E., Festivals of Attica (Wisconsin 1983) 99Google Scholar.

61 Burkert (n. 7) 173-4. We know very little else about the festival.

62 Pausan. i 43.4.

63 Nymphs: S. OT 1098-1109; maenads A.frr. 382, 448; E. Ba 223, 237, 260, 354, 487, 958 (the messenger's denial, 686 ff., does not affect my point); cf. E. Ion 552-5; in general see Daraki, Maria, Dionysos (Paris 1985) 101–3Google Scholar. Kratinos’ Dionysalexandros employs the idea of Dionysos as an amorous visitor. And cf Livy xxxix 8.6.

64 Henrichs, A. in Mnemai: classical studies in memory of Karl K. Hulley (ed. Evjen, H. D., California 1984) 69–91Google Scholar, and in HSCP lxxxii (1978) 121–59Google Scholar. For the importance of excluding men see e.g. E. Ba. 823; Sokolowski LSCG n. 127; Pausan. iii 20.3; Poseidonius fr. 34 Theiler. In early Attic vase-painting maenads never appear with men (as opposed to Dionysos and satyrs): Edwards, in JHS lxxx (1960) 82Google Scholar. Even when men are admitted to Dionysiac thiasoi the women tend to remain in charge (Henrichs 70 f.). To participate in the festival (cf. Kadmos and Teiresias in E. Ba.) is a different matter. Cf. n. 122.

65 E.g. young men participated in the Heraia, and in the procession and sacrifice to Artemis at Mounychia (Deubner [n. 60] 205 n. 4), whose priesthood was held by the mythical Embaros and his descendants (Apostol. 7.10; Append, prov. ii 54). A 5th century BC vasepainting of the Brauronian arkteia shows a masked male priest: Kahil, L. in AntK xx (1977) 92–8, fig. C, pl. 20.2Google Scholar; cf. E. Simon (n. 60) 87.

66 Besides the story of D.'s birth, see esp. Plut. Mor. 291a; fr. 157.2 Sandbach (Teubner Mor. VIII); Nonnus xxx 195 ff; Burkert (n. 16) 223.

67 ZPE lv (1984) 282 ff.

68 (n. 6) 230, 243-5, 250, 273, 447.

69 E.g. vines grow on looms (e.g. Ant. Lib. Met. 10); cf. Hes. fr. 129.25 and 26. 16-7 M-W.; Ov. Met. iv 32-5, 388-403. Segal, C., Dionysiac poetics and Euripides’ Bacchae (Princeton 1982) ch. 4Google Scholar. In E. Ba. (24, 32-3, 36, 446) Dionysos inflicts frenzy on females and sends them from their homes and the city with loud cries, just like Hera in B. (11.43-5, 55-7, 82). At Callim. h. Artem. 3.20 ff. Artemis says she will come down from the mountainside to the city only to help women in childbirth.

70 E. Ba. 35 (with Dodds ad loc.), 694; E. Pho. 655-6, 1751-7; fr. 752; Apollod. ii 2.2; D.S. iv 3; at Anton. Lib. Met. 10 the Minyads are ‘girls’ and mothers!

71 Accordingly, the marriage of Dionysos (see below) is in danger of being associated with mortal marriages, as it is apparently in the frescoes of the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii, at A.P. ix 524.21, and perhaps even as early as 4th century BC Attic vase-painting; Bieber, M. in Hesperia Suppl. viii (1969) 31–8Google Scholar (though cf. Nilsson [n. 42]).

72 This is surely the piont of άνορόφοις of the rocks on which the maenads sit at E. Ba. 38; cf. 33 ὅρος…οὶκοῦσι. See further Detienne, M., Dionysos à del ouvert (Paris 1986) 67 ffGoogle Scholar.

73 This theme is in fact dually determined, as absolute disruption of the household and as apt punishment for rejecting the stranger god (see below).

74 E. Ba. 1366-70, 1381-7, Christ. Pat. 1674-7; Pap fr. 2b Dodds.

75 Maenads are compared to birds at E. Ba. 748, 957; Naevius Lyc. fr. 7.

76 Ov. Met. vi 587 ff.; the Dionysiac element was almost certainly already present in S. Tereus; see e.g. Kiso, A., The Lost Sophocles (New York 1984) 67 f., 79 fGoogle Scholar.

77 Aelian VH iii 42; Ant. Lib. Met. 10; etc.

78 Cf. the similar irony at E. Andr. 103-9 … τιν' άταν άγάγετ' εύναιαν ές θαλάμους 'Eλέναν … αύτά (Andromache) δ' έκ θαλάμων άγόμαν. Cf. Seaford, in JHS cvii (1987) 129–30Google Scholar, and in CQ xxxv (1985) 318–9Google Scholar. It is no accident that on the death of her husband in the Iliad Andromache rushes from home μαινάδι ίση (xxii 460; cf. vi 389).

79 (n. 39) ch. 3.

80 Kambitsis, I., MINYAΔE∑ KAI ΠPOITIΔE∑ (Ioannina 1975) 48 ff.Google Scholar; Calame (n. 6) 216 ff. from

81 (n. 39) 50.

82 See section 2. With Vernant's historical thesis cf. now Photius s.v. 'Bραυρωνία … καί ἧν τὸ ίερὸν πρὸς τῶι 'Eρασίνωι ποταμῶι κτασκευασθέν ύπό Πεισιστράτου' (ed. C. Theodoridis, Berlin and New York 1982).

83 Ritual celebrations; of Minyads myth (Plut. Mor. 299ef), Karya (n. 58), Erigone (n. 60), Iphinoe (n. 61), Oineus (n. 88); the Pentheus and Lykourgos myths were also very likely celebrated in ritual (Dodds, E. R., Euripides Bacchae2 [Oxford 1960] xxv–xxviiiGoogle Scholar; Seaford in CQ xxxi [1981] 252–750Google Scholar.

84 Deubner (n. 42) 177 f.

85 Deubner (n. 42) 100 ff.; Seaford, , Euripides Cyclops (Oxford 1984) 8Google Scholar; E. Simon (n. 60) 93 n. 25.

86 The verb used, έξεδόθη (see n. 87) is the normal one for giving a daughter in marriage, signifying loss from the home. For a more far-reaching account of the anomalous nature of this union see Daraki (n. 63) 80: ‘sous le signe du maitre des Anthesteries, le marriage sera livré a tout ce dont l'orthodoxie civique le separe: la divinité, la mort, la sexualité.’ Cf. also Simon, E. in AntK vi (1963) 6–22Google Scholar (Theseus required to give Ariadne to Dionysos as mythical reflection of the ritual).

87 E.g. Ps. Dem. Neair. lix 73… έξωρκώσε τε τας γεραράς τάς ύπηρητούσας τοίς ℓεροίς, έξεδόθη δέ τῶι Διονύσωι γυνη, ἔπραξε δέ ύπέρ τής πόλεως τα πάτρια κτλ. At Patrai the catastrophe consequent on sexual union in Artemis’ sanctuary is resolved by the introduction of Dionysos as a ξενικός δαίμων (Pausan. vii 19.6).

88 Hygin. Fab. 129; O.'s pretext for withdrawal (sacrifice) suggests a ritual context for the myth.

89 Il. vi 130 ff.; S. Ant. 960 ff.

90 According to Apollod. he kills his son, to Hygin. condihis son and his wife. His female sacrificial victim regularly depicted on 4th century BC southern Italian vases (Séchan, L., Études sur la tragédie grecque dans ses rapports avec la céramique2 [Paris 1967] 70–4Google Scholar; Sutton, D. F. in RSC xxiii [1975] 356–9Google Scholar) is generally assumed to be his wife, but could be his daughter.

91 S. Ant. 954 ff.; Apollod. iii 5.1; Hygin. Fab. 132, 242; Serv. ad Aen. iii 14; Ov. Fast. iii 722; Schol. in Lucan. i 575; etc.

92 The Minyads, Agaue, etc. E. Ba. 966-70 suggests an unhealthy closeness of mother and adult son: Seaford in CQ xxxi (1981) 267 fGoogle Scholar. On the cannibalistic impulse of parents see Devereux, G. in The psychoanalytic forum i (1966) 114–24Google Scholar.

93 The opposition between incest and exogamy in myths of rejection and acceptance of Dionysos is described by Massenzio (Cultura e crisi permanente: la ‘xenia’ dionisiaca, SMSR vi [Rome 1970]Google Scholar), who pursues it mainly in the myths of Oineus, Oinopion, Staphylos, and Lykourgos. But he regards exogamy as endowed with a merely positive value, and so the Proitids’ marriage to Melampous and Bias as simply a return ‘all’ ordinata esistenza sociale, ma in una mutatata condihis zione’ (94).

94 S. Ant. 944-65; cf. esp. 898-920. Danae's father Akrisios rejected Dionysos (Ov. Met. iv 605-11).

95 Cf. also E. Antig., in which it seems that Antigone, after earlier escaping to the mountainside, appeared as a maenad (P. Oxy. 3317; Hygin. Fab. 72); cf. E. Pho. 1751-77). P. Oxy. 3317 has been attributed to E. Antiope by Luppe, W. (ZPE xlii [1981] 27–30)Google Scholar; but cf. R. Scodel in ZPE xlvi (1982) 37–42Google Scholar.

96 See esp. E. Antiope frr. 179, 203 N2 (= i, xxxvii Kambitsis); Hygin. Fab. 8 with Pacuv. fr. 12; Pausan. 9.17.6; T. B. L. Webster, The tragedies of Euripides 205-6; at Apollod. iii 5.5 she escapes to the mountain τῶν δεσμῶν αύτομάτως λυθέντων: cf. E. Ba. 447 and Dodds ad loc.

97 Dio Chrys. xv 9 (ii 234 Arn.). With the name ‘Nykteus’ cf. Nyktaia (below) and the imprisonment of Antiope in darkness (Hyg. Fab. 7; Propert. iii 15.17; cf. E. Ba. 510).

98 Apollod. iii 5.5; Schol. A.R. iv 1090. Hyg. Fab. 7; Propert. iii 15.12.

99 This theme is found on a fifth century BC Attic vase (ARV2 1121.17) as well as in Apollod.

100 This is explicit at Eustath. Il. vi 136 (p. 629.23) and Propert. iii 17.23, and implicit in Serv. ad Aen. iii 14.

101 Ov. Met. vi 125. Reunited though in the sky with her father, she refuses the vine (Nonn. xlvii 248-50; Massenzio [n. 96] 42).

102 Hdt. ix 34; Apollod. i 9.12, ii 2.2 (merges the two versions), iii 5.2; D.S. iv 68; Pausan. ii 18.4.

103 Apollod. ii 2.2. The frr. of Hes. Cat. suggest however that the deity was Hera; refs. in West (n. 15) 78-9, who against the usual solution (referral of Ap.'s statement to Hes. Melampodeia) insists that here Ap. must have Cat. in view. Perhaps in the Cat. Hera and Dionysos were in conflict, as apparently in the Lykourgos story in Eumelos (fr. 10 Kinkel) and in Aeschylus’ Theban trilogy (fr. 168 is not inconsistent with the Xantriai, to which Asclepiades assigns it: cf. Dodds, Euripides Bacchae2, xxxGoogle Scholar, and [contra] e.g. Gantz in CQ xxxi [1981] 25Google Scholar; Robertson, Noel in TAPA cxiii [1983] 153 ffGoogle Scholar. suggests that the Xantriai was about the Proitids).

104 He mentions also the Elean sixteen (Pausan. v 16.6 f), the Minyads (Plut. Mor. 299, Ant. Lib. 10.3), D.S. iv 3.3, and (his second best piece of evidence) Seleukos ap. Harpokr. s.v. '‘Oμηρίδαι’ … αί γυναικές ποτε των χιων έν Διονυσίοις παραψρνησασαι είς μάχην ηλθον τοίς άνδράσι, καί δόντες άλληλοις ὅμηρα νυμφίους κι νύμφας έπαύσαντο (cf. Aelian VH iii 41). Although we cannot entirely exclude an evolution from premarital ritual, synchronic analysis is here more fruitful than diachronic.

105 ‘The dissolution of the normal order’ writes Burkert on the Dionysiac version of the Proitids myth ([n. 7] 171), ‘which otherwise signifies the wrath and alienation of the great goddess, is here transformed into a show of strength by the god of madness’. But we cannot in fact be sure that the Dionysiac version is secondary. And why the ‘transformation’?

106 This formula is not of course meant to apply to Dionysos in all his operations. Nor is he necessarily involved in all the myths and rituals that conform with it.

107 E. Ba. 214, 326, 851.

108 S. Ant. 961-4; etc.

109 E. Ba. 367; Eustath. Il. 1480.6.

110 Iphinoe is in the excluded version sacrificed (Burkert [n. 7] 172-3) after the pursuit. For Pentheus see Ba. 796.

111 Cf. Levi-Strauss’ principles that ‘all available variants should be taken into account’ and that ‘mythical thought always progresses-from the awareness of oppositions to their resolution’, in ‘The Structural Study of Myth’ (Structural Anthropology [London 1968] 206 ff.Google Scholar).

112 65: see Maehler ad loc. Uncle-niece marriage is for the Greeks not necessarily opprobrious, but it is of course endogamous. Vernant ([n. 39] 59) calls Pandion, Cretheus, and Amythaon ‘mythical models of … the epiklerate’.

113 Lact. Plac. ad Theb. iii 507. Cf. the name Nykteus (above): Antiope is sometimes called Nykteis (e.g. Ov. Met. vi III: cf. Apollod. iii 5.5). Oineus too married one daughter to a stranger (Herakles) and committed incest with another (Apollod. i 8.5).

114 See e.g. Maehler ad loc; Katsouris, A. in Dioniso xlvii (1976), 9Google Scholar. Ajax is an interesting exception that proves the rule (S. Aj. 669 ff. and esp. 651 έθηλύνθην στόμα).

115 These concomitants find mythical analogies in Pi. Pyth. 12, Pyth. 9, and Nem. 8.

116 Cf. vs. 10 ff. και νύ[ν Mετ]απόντιον εύγίων κ[ατέ]χουσι νέων κῶμοι τε και εύφροσύναι θεότιμον άστυ.

117 Kleomedes of Astypalaia, Oibotas of Dyme, Euthykles of Lokri, Theagenes of Thasos. Discussions by Fontenrose, J. in CSCA i (1968) 73 ff.Google Scholar; Crotty, K., Song and Action (Baltimore and London 1982) 122 ffGoogle Scholar.

118 Though the athletes may be real, they have clearly acquired mythical features (see Fontenrose [n. 117] passim). ‘Tragic’: e.g. Kleomedes, deprived of his victory, goes mad, kills some innocent boys, is nearly killed by his fellow citizens, and vanishes mysteriously in a temple.

119 E.g. Seaford (n. 85) 10 ff. One of the respects in which e.g. E. Ba. differs from the ritual itself is that the maenads (as well as the satyrs) are in fact a chorus of men. Only in the archaic period, before it gave birth to tragedy, was the Attic dithyramb sung (it seems) by women (Thomson, G., Aeschylus and Athens3 [London 1967] 171Google Scholar; Calame [n. 6] 152-3). The increased intrusion of men (cf. section 2, Kleobis and Biton) is a step forward both in the circumscription of the disruption and in the development of drama.

120 Cf. also e.g. the maenadic themes in E. HF, and the successful subversion of wedding ritual in various tragedies: Seaford (n. 7).

121 Ba. was conservative in its treatment: Seaford, in CQ xxxi (1981) 269Google Scholar. The earliest themes of tragedy were Dionysiac: Seaford (n. 85) 10 ff.

122 For the Greeks sacrifice should be performed by the male sex. The tendency for the exceptions to be imagined as horrible (Detienne, M., ‘Violentes “eugénies”’ in La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec [edd. Detienne, M., Vernant, J-P., Paris 1979] 183 ff.Google Scholar) is exemplified by Dionysiac myths (Daraki, M. in RGHR cxcvii (1980) 131 ff.Google Scholar). And in practice the exceptions are mainly Dionysiac (Detienne 203; D.S. iv3. 2-3;Pausan. iii 20.3; Ps. Dem. Neair. lix 73; etc.).

123 In Arktouros: studies presented to B. M. W. Knox (ed. Bowersock, G., Berlin and New York 1979) 181 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

124 See Deubner, L.'s excellent ‘Ololyge und Verwandtes’, APAW i (Berlin 1941)Google Scholar.

125 The irony may be deepened by the fact that the female (‘sacrificial’) όλολύγη did also have a role in warfare (θάρσος φίλοις: A. Sept. 267-70). But as Odysseus says to Eurykleia, ίσχεο μηδ' όλόλuʒε / ούχ όσιη καμένοισιν έπ' άνδράσιν εύχετάασθαι (Od. xxii 411). Maenads appear as hunters in Attic vase-painting (see e.g. Edwards [n. 64]).

126 Burkert (n. 7) 172-9. Although even Dionysiac subversion had to be brought to an end (for all ritual must end well), it is interesting that even the pursuit was said to have once ended in disaster, at Orchomenos (Plut. Mor. 299-300).

127 This was probably envisaged as an ephebic hunt, in which the Proitids were imagined as animals (cf. section 1); cf. E. Ba. 719. For the ephebic hunt envisaged as erotic see Sourvinou-Inwood (n. 3). Cf. also myths such as that of Atalanta. For pursuit as a way of ending the initiation rite see Jeanmaire, H.Couroi et courètes (Lille 1939) 179, 222-3, 235Google Scholar.

128 E.g. Il. v 309, viii 92; Hes. Scut. 341; A.R. ii 1206.

129 This adjective occurs elsewhere only at Bacchyl. 5.155, again in contrast with loss of male self-control.

130 Zeitlin in TAPA ci (1970) 645-69.

131 ‘against which the distorted rituals of the play could be measured’, Zeitlin 669.

132 άνέορτος ίερῶν και χορῶν τηηωμένη / άναίνομαι γυναῖκας οὗσα παρθένος. This isolated (bridal) limina- lity (Seaford in CQ xxxv [1985] 319) excludes even Dionysiac imagery.

133 Cf. in this respect Sophocles’ Elektra (Seaford [n. 132]), who aspires to the state of Procne (145 ff; cf. n. 76 above).

134 The marriage with the peasant is ignored also at 948 f., 1198 f., 1249, etc.; Elektra a virgin: 44.

135 Cf. Ba. 1270 μετασταθεῖσα τῶν πάρος φρενῶν, 1123; also (of Pentheus) 944.

136 Cf. Ba. 947 f. τάς δέ πρίν φρένας ούχ εἶχες ὑγιεῖς νῦν δ' ἔχεις οἶας σε δεῖ, cf. 851, 853, 502.

137 1314 f.; cf. also 1334 f. ὧ χαῖρε πόλις κτλ; Agaue at Ba. 1368 f. χαῖρ' ὧ μέλαθρον, χαῖρ' ὧ πατρια πόλις.

138 1323. Elsewhere in tragedy only at E. Tro. 669 (of marriage); of marriage also at e.g. Plat. Leg. 784b; Arist. Pol. 1272323; Chariton viii 16; Ph. ii 311.

139 This paper is an extended version of a lecture delivered at the Universities of Harvard and Ioannina in 1987. I would like to thank all those who contributed to the subsequent discussion.