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The fate of a warrior culture

Nancy Sherman on Jonathan Lear’s Radical Hope (Harvard: 2006)

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Abstract

Jonathan Lear in Radical Hope tackles the idea of cultural devastation, in the specific case of the Crow Indians. What do we mean by “annihilation” of a culture? The moral point of view that he imagines as he reconstructs the eve and aftermath of this annihilation is not second personal, of obligation, but first personal, in the collective and singular, as told by the Crows, with Lear as “analyst.” Radical Hope is a study of representative character of a people—of virtue, courage, resilience, and hope in the face of cultural collapse. The leading questions are shaped by ancient Greek ethics, but with a twist: On the brink of cultural death, what counts for us as good living and what is the nature of the virtues or excellences that constitute it? How might a leader, a phronimos, exemplify it? This puts it too narrowly. The questions, also, are Wittgensteinian: How does a nation go on, when the concepts and way of life it has lived by for centuries are no more? What does it mean to go on? What does it mean to stop when the marks of going on are no longer?

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Notes

  1. As cited in http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/resources/archives/two/cherokee.htm. See Goodin (1985) p. 40 for mention of the two legal cases in this paragraph.

  2. As cited in://www.utulsa.edu/law/classes/rice/ussct_cases/US_V_KAGAMA_1886.HTM.

  3. There is a body of empirical studies suggesting that we mentally represent in an unconscious and hard-wired way (as a part of a deep “moral grammar”) a significant moral difference between directly harming an innocent in a way that uses them as a mere means and causing them harm as a foreseen side effect; for discussion, see John Mikhail’s (2007) philosophical computational model of double effect dilemmas. Other empirical moral philosophers have argued that even if we generally think it is morally alright to cause harm as a side effect when the overall benefits are great enough, in cases where that harming is “up close and personal,” we are less likely to think it morally permissible; see Greene (2007).

  4. Some dialogue with critics of historical moral psychology might be fruitful here, especially on the issue of constancy of character, central to Lear’s project. I have in mind the work of John Doris and Gil Harmon who point to social psychology experiments by Darley and Batson (among others) that suggest doing what is right is more a matter of the serendipity of situation than character. See Doris (2002), Harmon (2003). Also, see Darley and Batson (1973).

  5. Fagles (1999).

  6. On Anger, 1.9, in Cooper and Procopé (1995).

  7. Chagnon (1988). At the time of the study, Yanomamö numbered 15,000 and divided into about 200 politically independent subgroups.

  8. Relevant here is the work of Volkan (2006).

  9. For an interesting account of revenge in Icelandic saga, see Miller (2006). For the story in Jerusalem, see Blumenfeld (2002).

  10. Indeed, I have been told from several sources that the head of West Point paid a visit directly to the producer of the program to insist that “24” was misleading cadets about proper interrogation techniques and corrupting core values that the Academy teaches.

  11. For an excellent discussion of new models for the use of force, see Pfaff (2005). For one account of events at Haditha, see Newsweek, “Probing Bloodbath,” June 12, 2006.

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Sherman, N. The fate of a warrior culture. Philos Stud 144, 71–80 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-009-9368-8

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