- Guest Fellow, Centre for British Studies, Humboldt University, 60 Mohrenstr., 10117 Berlin Mitte
- +49 176 6658 9435
Patricia Springborg
Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Centre for British Studies, Department Member
- Patricia Springborg brings the perspectives of conceptual history and the history of political thought, ancient, orie... morePatricia Springborg brings the perspectives of conceptual history and the history of political thought, ancient, oriental and early modern, to political theory. She took her first degrees from the University of Canterbury in New Zealand, where her Supervisor was John Pocock, and her doctorate from Oxford, where her Supervisor was Lezek Kolakowski. She taught political science in New Zealand, as a visiting professor at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of California, Berkeley, and for 30 years at the University of Sydney, where she held a personal chair in Political Theory in the Department of Government before being appointed foundation professor of political science (professor ordinario) in the School of Economics of the Free University of Bolzano, 2007-13. She is currently Guest Researcher, in the Centre for British Studies, Humboldt Universiity, Berlin. Elected to the Australian Academy of the Social Sciences in 1999, she has been a stipendiary fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Centre for International Scholars in Washington DC (1993-4), the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin (2000-1), the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in Uppsala (2002-3), was a Senior Visiting Research Fellow at St. John’s College, Oxford (2001-2), and was the recipient of a John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Award in International Peace and Security, taken up at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C (1994-5). As a political theorist she works across a wide field, from political economy (The Problem of Human Needs, London, 1981)edit
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Only recently –perhaps due to the menacing rise of modern populism– it has become remarkably evident that the problem of freedom for Hobbes is almost immediately converted into the problem of anarchy. We have thus a spate of recent books... more
Only recently –perhaps due to the menacing rise of modern populism– it has become remarkably evident that the problem of freedom for Hobbes is almost immediately converted into the problem of anarchy. We have thus a spate of recent books on Hobbes’s theory of the State and anarchy, including Ioannis D. Evrigenis’ (2014) Images of Anarchy. The Rhetoric and Science in Hobbes’s State of Nature , Theodore Christov’s (2015) Before Anarchy , Daniel Lee’s (2016) Popular Sovereignty in Early Modern Constitutional Thought , and Quentin Skinner’s (2018) From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics . Skinner argues that Hobbes’s depiction of the state of nature as anarchic is exaggerated, even by his own standards, although he overplays it in order to show up the pamphleteers he is parodying. These refer to the London parliamentary pamphlets, which parroted some of the most exaggerated arguments for popular sovereignty of the radical French Huguenots, whose arguments Hobbes was so desperately concerned to refute. The reason why Hobbes insists that the person of the State is artificial, the seat of power, is because the person of the State is crafted, and it does not precede the social contract that brings it into being. It is neither the collectivity of the people, who exist only as a disaggregated multitude before the contract, nor the person of the sovereign, who is merely its representative. The person of the State must be artificial and abstract, because if it were the collectivity of the people, his theory of the State would enshrine popular sovereignty, and if it were the person of the sovereign it would enshrine monarchical absolutism, and this Hobbes will not do.
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Research Interests: Political Science, Politics, Monarchy, Power, Freedom, and 3 moreRights, Conformity, and Divine Right of Kings
Schwarz pursues a primordial theme by Freudian means, extrapolating from the psychogenesis of a person to the psychogenesis of a nation. He thus associates monarchy with culture in its infancy, displaying infantile narcisism and... more
Schwarz pursues a primordial theme by Freudian means, extrapolating from the psychogenesis of a person to the psychogenesis of a nation. He thus associates monarchy with culture in its infancy, displaying infantile narcisism and meglomania. But as perhaps the best worst case, Pharaonic Egypt, demonstrates, meglomania and narcissism expresssed in colossi, grandiose claims of the king that would shame even the gods, are more likely a sign of weakness than strength. And classical republicanism continues to maintain a monarchical element, now transferred to presidents.
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... yoked before' (l.Sam. 6.7-12, cited in Astour 1967, 157). Alternatively, Boeotian Thebes was fabled to have derived its name 'from the ark in which die local Noah, King Ogygos, survived the flood'. Astour... more
... yoked before' (l.Sam. 6.7-12, cited in Astour 1967, 157). Alternatively, Boeotian Thebes was fabled to have derived its name 'from the ark in which die local Noah, King Ogygos, survived the flood'. Astour observes (1967, 158 ...
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Philosopher, theologian, educational theorist, feminist and political pamphleteer, Mary Astell was an important f1gure in the history of ideas of the early modern period. She contributed to the British debate over toleration and dissent... more
Philosopher, theologian, educational theorist, feminist and political pamphleteer, Mary Astell was an important f1gure in the history of ideas of the early modern period. She contributed to the British debate over toleration and dissent from the 16gos, which inaugurated the ...
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How did the 'Hobbesian state of nature' and the 'discourse of anarchy' - separated by three centuries - come to be seen as virtually synonymous? Before Anarchy offers a novel account of Hobbes's interpersonal and... more
How did the 'Hobbesian state of nature' and the 'discourse of anarchy' - separated by three centuries - come to be seen as virtually synonymous? Before Anarchy offers a novel account of Hobbes's interpersonal and international state of nature and rejects two dominant views. In one, international relations is a warlike Hobbesian anarchy, and in the other, state sovereignty eradicates the state of nature. In combining the contextualist method in the history of political thought and the historiographical method in international relations theory, Before Anarchy traces Hobbes's analogy between natural men and sovereign states and its reception by Pufendorf, Rousseau and Vattel in showing their intellectual convergence with Hobbes. Far from defending a 'realist' international theory, the leading political thinkers of early modernity were precursors of the most enlightened liberal theory of international society today. By demolishing twentieth-century anachr...
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Research Interests: Philosophy and Politics
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... by Diodorus Siculus,53 alluded to by Apuleius, and of whom the Syrian Rhetor Lucian tells such a strange story.54 Named by the Celts "Heracles Ogmios," he was old, bald, naked except for lion's... more
... by Diodorus Siculus,53 alluded to by Apuleius, and of whom the Syrian Rhetor Lucian tells such a strange story.54 Named by the Celts "Heracles Ogmios," he was old, bald, naked except for lion's skin, wrinkled, and "burned as black as can be, like an old sea-dog." But he ...
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Theodore Christov’s book, Before Anarchy: Hobbes and his Critics in Modern International Thought, joins a spate of recent works on Hobbes’s theory of the state and the role played by the state of nature, as both the before and after of... more
Theodore Christov’s book, Before Anarchy: Hobbes and his Critics in Modern International Thought, joins a spate of recent works on Hobbes’s theory of the state and the role played by the state of nature, as both the before and after of statehood: before, as the state of anarchy out of which the state is constructed, and after, as the ever-present external conditions of anarchy in the international sphere, into which it threatens to relapse. These include Ioannis D. Evrigenis’s Images of Anarchy: The Rhetoric and Science in Hobbes’s State of Nature (2014), Daniel Lee’s Popular Sovereignty in Early Modern Constitutional Thought (2016), and Quentin Skinner’s magisterial From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics (2018).
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The papal monarchy is not only the model for the Leviathan of Hobbes's Leviathan, I hypothesize, but also the subject of its last book, Book 4 on the "Kingdom of Darkness." It is also the subject of... more
The papal monarchy is not only the model for the Leviathan of Hobbes's Leviathan, I hypothesize, but also the subject of its last book, Book 4 on the "Kingdom of Darkness." It is also the subject of Hobbes's Historical Narration concerning Heresy, much of Behemoth, and his long Latin poem, the Historia Ecclesiastica. How is it then that Hobbes's account of the papal monarchy has for so long been overlooked as a subject for systematic treatment? Hobbes wrote about religion, the history of the church, and the papacy, in highly polemical works and in enormously heightened polemical contexts. And that is how on the whole they have been read, to some extent rightly (Springborg 1994). So Leviathan and Behemoth are given primacy over later and sometimes less polemical works like the Historia Ecclesiastica, which as a Latin poem in the elegiac mode, is in any case relatively inaccessible. We have superb recent treatments of Hobbes the polemicist by Jeffrey Collins, Franck Lessay, Quentin Skinner, Johann Sommerville, and others. Jeffrey Collins, in his excellent essay on the Historia Ecclesiastica even projects the poem forward, as a proto-Enlightenment essay, citing volume 2 of J.G.A Pocock's monumental study of Edward Gibbon, Barbarism and Religion (1999):
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This essay advances the following set of arguments First that we must take seriously Hobbes's claim in Behemoth that "the science of just and unjust" is a demonstrable science, accessible to those of even the meanest... more
This essay advances the following set of arguments First that we must take seriously Hobbes's claim in Behemoth that "the science of just and unjust" is a demonstrable science, accessible to those of even the meanest capacity. Second that Leviathan is the work in which this science, intended as a serious project in civic education, is set out. Third, that Hobbes is prepared to accept, like Plato and Aristotle, "giving to each his own", as a preliminary definition of justice, from which however, he draws some very un-Aristotelian conclusions. Fourth, that though in Hobbes's theory "just and unjust" are equivalent to "lawful and unlawful", this is far from being a simple statement of legal positivism, but rather the conclusion of a practical syllogism. Fifth, that the impediments to this demonstrable science of justice being universally accepted, on Hobbes's account, are twofold, explained in terms of religion and the role of preache...
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This article addresses immediate contexts for Hobbes's theories of war and empire: Anglo-Dutch rivalry over freedom of the seas, and the Virginia Company's mandate to colonize America as 'unclaimed land' (terra nullius).... more
This article addresses immediate contexts for Hobbes's theories of war and empire: Anglo-Dutch rivalry over freedom of the seas, and the Virginia Company's mandate to colonize America as 'unclaimed land' (terra nullius). It stakes out new ground: first in maintaining that both Donne and Hobbes invoked the doctrine of terra nullius, following the Jamestown Massacre of 1622, shortly after it had been formulated by Grotius, and long before it was known by this name; and second, in making the case that Hobbes's 'nasty brutish and short' seems to refer specifically to the life of Virginian 'savages', rather than being a general description of the natural condition of humankind. Hobbes was present when John Donne preached to the Virginia Company in 1622, invoking terra nullius, and Donne's argument may be read as a template for Hobbes's 'Bulimia of Dominium'. Like Donne, Hobbes read Jamestown as the empire striking back.
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Concepts of citizenship and rights have been transmitted not only by conquest, but also by the imitation of Greek and Roman models, facilitated by print culture. Early modern Empires, modelling themselves on the classical Roman empire,... more
Concepts of citizenship and rights have been transmitted not only by conquest, but also by the imitation of Greek and Roman models, facilitated by print culture. Early modern Empires, modelling themselves on the classical Roman empire, sometimes brought these two elements together. Extensive historiographical work on the reception of European thought in the New World has been produced on both sides of the Atlantic and some important contributions that deal with the impact of the New World encounters in European thought have recently been made. However, the author argues that little work has been done on classical modelling as a vehicle for the transmission of concepts. The long tradition of classical learning, revived in the European Renaissance, made Latin the lingua franca of Europe, and school curricula across Europe ensured that members of the Republic of Letters were exposed to the same texts. This, together with the serviceability of the Roman model as a manual for Empire, ensured the rapid transmission of classical republican and imperial ideas. The author takes England and the British Empire as a case study and provides a variety of examples of classical modelling.
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Financial bubbles are not simply the result of ‘manias’, ‘panics’, and ‘mad money’, but they are the spectacular downside of rational strategies human agents employ to cope with uncertainty. They obey the logic of the ‘security dilemma’... more
Financial bubbles are not simply the result of ‘manias’, ‘panics’, and ‘mad money’, but they are the spectacular downside of rational strategies human agents employ to cope with uncertainty. They obey the logic of the ‘security dilemma’ in general, teaching us that strategies to cope with uncertainty are likely to multiply that uncertainty exponentially, because of the very nature of uncertainty and its intractability to human coping strategies. These systemic problems are further exacerbated by the type of financial instrumentalities made available to citizens who, as Keynes argued, with increasing disposable income, have necessarily an increasing tendency to save. They are further complicated by economic theories that err in adopting mechanistic models which overstate probability by understating the time-dimension of complex systems, the irreversibility of time, and the consequences of the law of entropy. Government policies predicated on this economic theory have served to increase, rather than diminish, financial instability.
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L'A. etudie la position religieuse de Hobbes et il vise a montrer son importance capitale, a tel point que les chapitres du «Leviathan» sur le christianisme et l'histoire de l'Eglise sont a ses yeux necessaires a la... more
L'A. etudie la position religieuse de Hobbes et il vise a montrer son importance capitale, a tel point que les chapitres du «Leviathan» sur le christianisme et l'histoire de l'Eglise sont a ses yeux necessaires a la comprehension des conceptions politiques. Il retrace par ailleurs le detail des difficultes que Hobbes a endurees avec les pouvoirs religieux et sa defense contre l'accusation d'heresie
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... Royal persons: Patriarchal monarchy and the feminine principle. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: Author: Springborg, Patricia. PUBLISHER: ... ABSTRACT: Includes bibliographical references (p. 298-315) and index. STATISTICS. Click on # to... more
... Royal persons: Patriarchal monarchy and the feminine principle. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: Author: Springborg, Patricia. PUBLISHER: ... ABSTRACT: Includes bibliographical references (p. 298-315) and index. STATISTICS. Click on # to view. Citations, 0. References, ...
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Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince is a thoroughly revisionist book, challenging both the West's comfortable view of its own political evolution and its negative stereotypes of non-Western systems. Not only did these... more
Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince is a thoroughly revisionist book, challenging both the West's comfortable view of its own political evolution and its negative stereotypes of non-Western systems. Not only did these stereotypes serve to legitimate early modern European nation-states struggling for an identity, but they also served to justify slavery and other forms of domination over subject peoples. Drawing upon archaeo!ogical and epigraphic evidence, Springborg discusses the Mesopotamian and ancient Egyptian contribution of political forms and cultic institutions to classical Greco-Roman civiliza tion, an Eastern legacy to the West that has long been obscured for political reasons. A different reading of the foundation myths of Athens and Rome and of certain texts of Plato and Aristotle, as well as the writings of Herodotus, Isocrates, Plutarch , and Diodorus Siculus, permits us to restore possible lines of affiliation. Springborg demonstrates that Renaissance thought, long believed to have ushered in the Western classical republican tradition, demonstrates a curious ambivalence toward powerfol Eastern systems, which it viewed with
fascination as much as fear. The great divide between Western democracy and Oriental despotism, which postReformation thought has set in stone, was not yet sedimented in the Renaissance. This major new study wiII be of interest to students of political history and theory, Middle
Eastern studies, and East-West relations.
fascination as much as fear. The great divide between Western democracy and Oriental despotism, which postReformation thought has set in stone, was not yet sedimented in the Renaissance. This major new study wiII be of interest to students of political history and theory, Middle
Eastern studies, and East-West relations.
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Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince is a thoroughly revisionist book, challenging both the West's comfortable view of its own political evolution and its negative stereotypes of non-Western systems. Not only did these... more
Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince is a thoroughly revisionist book, challenging both the West's comfortable view of its own political evolution and its negative stereotypes of non-Western systems. Not only did these stereotypes serve to legitimate early modern European nation-states struggling for an identity, but they also served to justify slavery and other forms of domination over subject peoples. Drawing upon archaeo!ogical and epigraphic evidence, Springborg discusses the Mesopotamian and ancient Egyptian contribution of political forms and cultic institutions to classical Greco-Roman civiliza tion, an Eastern legacy to the West that has long been obscured for political reasons. A different reading of the foundation myths of Athens and Rome and of certain texts of Plato and Aristotle, as well as the writings of Herodotus, Isocrates, Plutarch , and Diodorus Siculus, permits us to restore possible lines of affiliation. Springborg demonstrates that Renaissance thought, long believed to have ushered in the Western classical republican tradition, demonstrates a curious ambivalence toward powerfol Eastern systems, which it viewed with fascination as much as fear. The great divide between Western democracy and Oriental despotism, which postReformation thought has set in stone, was not yet sedimented in the Renaissance. This major new study wiII be of interest to students of political history and theory, Middle Eastern studies, and East-West relations.
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It is a measure of the threats that the trade and investment treaties, TPP and TTIP, currently being negotiated pose to our democratic rights, that even Establishment newspapers like the New York Times now engage the service of WikiLeaks... more
It is a measure of the threats that the trade and investment treaties, TPP and TTIP, currently being negotiated pose to our democratic rights, that even Establishment newspapers like the New York Times now engage the service of WikiLeaks to make public their secret provisions.
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Will intransigence kill the Eurozone? Grexit threatened by dysfunctional policy. Greek debt must be cut and German domestic expenditure increased, punkt!
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The new Greek government is a manifesttion of the growing resistance in large parts of Europe to the German Chancellor's austerity drive. Austerity is no longer an acceptable answer to the Greek insolvency problem. Meanwhile the Troika... more
The new Greek government is a manifesttion of the growing resistance in large parts of Europe to the German Chancellor's austerity drive. Austerity is no longer an acceptable answer to the Greek insolvency problem. Meanwhile the Troika sound more and more like the bankers they represent.
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Isil and Gaza, the Middle East and oil and gas wars
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Syria has gone quiet lately, with search lights trained on Ukraine. But this is not the only reason, as recent articles in the London Review of Books by that inveterate Middle East reporter Seymour Hersch, and by Peter Neumann professor... more
Syria has gone quiet lately, with search lights trained on Ukraine. But this is not the only reason, as recent articles in the London Review of Books by that inveterate Middle East reporter Seymour Hersch, and by Peter Neumann professor of security studies at King’s College London in the New York TImes, have disclosed. Perhaps a more important reason for the Syrian silence is the dawning awareness on the part of the West, that if Syria is a case of a wily dictator caught in his own net, the West suffers the embarrassment of having completely underestimated the parties to this conflict, and is now caught with egg all over its face. Something better not openly talked about.
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Czar Putin and Ukraine 2014 04 14 In the very year in which much of the world is focussed on the centenary of the outbreak of World War I, we see a situation unfolding that looks dismayingly familiar: violent street protests in which... more
Czar Putin and Ukraine 2014 04 14
In the very year in which much of the world is focussed on the centenary of the outbreak of World War I, we see a situation unfolding that looks dismayingly familiar: violent street protests in which security forces killed and maimed protesters; an annexation; troop mobilization, threats and counter-threats.
In the very year in which much of the world is focussed on the centenary of the outbreak of World War I, we see a situation unfolding that looks dismayingly familiar: violent street protests in which security forces killed and maimed protesters; an annexation; troop mobilization, threats and counter-threats.
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"PATRICIA SPRINGBORG: RIOTS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY. AFGHANISTAN, EGYPT, LIBYA, SYRIA, NOW UKRAINE, AND BOSNIA. WILL WE NEVER LEARN? According to most theorists of Modernity, the French Revolution signaled the birth of a brave new... more
"PATRICIA SPRINGBORG: RIOTS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY. AFGHANISTAN, EGYPT, LIBYA, SYRIA, NOW UKRAINE, AND BOSNIA. WILL WE NEVER LEARN?
According to most theorists of Modernity, the French Revolution signaled the birth of a brave new world. Although followed by the Terror, during which people were subject to indiscriminate violence, and the widespread destruction of religious and political artifacts, seen as symbols of the past, the French Revolution is judged to have mostly had a happy outcome – the birth of democracy and the secular state. Perhaps for this reason, the sudden appearance of the people in the streets, manning the barricades against tyranny, is now so often taken for a sign that democracy is about to be born. So it was with the “Arab Spring”. But in its euphoria, this new populism, supported by Western powers, is opening old wounds. Now the virus of street violence has moved from the Middle East to the Ukraine and the Balkans, and we have the frightening prospect of revisiting the horrendous civil wars of the late twentieth century. "
According to most theorists of Modernity, the French Revolution signaled the birth of a brave new world. Although followed by the Terror, during which people were subject to indiscriminate violence, and the widespread destruction of religious and political artifacts, seen as symbols of the past, the French Revolution is judged to have mostly had a happy outcome – the birth of democracy and the secular state. Perhaps for this reason, the sudden appearance of the people in the streets, manning the barricades against tyranny, is now so often taken for a sign that democracy is about to be born. So it was with the “Arab Spring”. But in its euphoria, this new populism, supported by Western powers, is opening old wounds. Now the virus of street violence has moved from the Middle East to the Ukraine and the Balkans, and we have the frightening prospect of revisiting the horrendous civil wars of the late twentieth century. "
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Patricia Springborg Abstract On Political Education Democracy does not come spontaneously, as recent events in the US, Germany and Italy reveal. The rise of populist parties like the Tea Party in the US, the Pirates and Alternative für... more
Patricia Springborg
Abstract
On Political Education
Democracy does not come spontaneously, as recent events in the US, Germany and Italy reveal. The rise of populist parties like the Tea Party in the US, the Pirates and Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, and the Cinque Stelle in Italy suggests serious disaffection from the major political parties and, in terms of their behaviour, sometimes a failure to understand what representation and rule of law entail. Democratization is an ongoing project not only for the states of the ex-Soviet Union, and the Middle East – where it is hoped that democracy will come from the barrel of a gun, assisted by Facebook and Twitter! – but also in the West. Democracy requires education, based on learning by doing. How do we best prepare our publics for democracy and citizenship?
Politische Bildung
Demokratie kommt nicht spontan, wie die heutigen Entwicklungen in den USA, in Deutschland und Italien zeigen. Der Aufstieg populistischer Parteien wie die Tea Partei in den USA, die Piraten und die Alternativen für Deutschland, oder die Fünf Sterne Fraktion in Italien bedeutet eine Entfremdung von den traditionellen politischen Parteien und manchmal auch ein Missverständnis von Repräsentation und Rechtsordnung. Demokratie ist ein Projekt ohne Ende, nicht nür für die ex-Soviet Staaten, und den Mittleren Osten – wo davon ausgegangen wird, dass Demokratie aus dem Gebrauch einer Waffe stammt, mit Unterstützung von Facebook und Twitter! – aber auch im Westen. Demokratie braucht politische Bildung und Lernen durch Praxis. Wie können wir unser Publikum besser auf Demokratie und Staatsbürgerschaft vorbereiten?
Educazione politiche
Gli odierni sviluppi negli Stati Uniti, Germania, Italia e Est Europa, mostrano come la democrazia non sia una manifestazione spontanea. L'ascesa dei partiti populisti come il Tea Party negli Stati Uniti, i Pirati e Alternative für Deutschland in Germania, e le Cinque Stelle in Italia suggerisce grave disaffezione dai principali partiti politici e, in termini di comportamento, a volte l'incapacità di capire che cosa comportino rappresentazione e stato di diritto. Democratizzazione è un progetto in corso non solo per gli Stati della ex Unione Sovietica, e il Medio Oriente - dove si crede che la democrazia verrà dall’utilizzo di un’arma, assistito da Facebook e Twitter! - ma anche in Occidente. La democrazia richiede educazione, sulla base del “learning by doing”. Come si fa a preparare al meglio il nostro pubblico alla democrazia e alla cittadinanza?
Abstract
On Political Education
Democracy does not come spontaneously, as recent events in the US, Germany and Italy reveal. The rise of populist parties like the Tea Party in the US, the Pirates and Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, and the Cinque Stelle in Italy suggests serious disaffection from the major political parties and, in terms of their behaviour, sometimes a failure to understand what representation and rule of law entail. Democratization is an ongoing project not only for the states of the ex-Soviet Union, and the Middle East – where it is hoped that democracy will come from the barrel of a gun, assisted by Facebook and Twitter! – but also in the West. Democracy requires education, based on learning by doing. How do we best prepare our publics for democracy and citizenship?
Politische Bildung
Demokratie kommt nicht spontan, wie die heutigen Entwicklungen in den USA, in Deutschland und Italien zeigen. Der Aufstieg populistischer Parteien wie die Tea Partei in den USA, die Piraten und die Alternativen für Deutschland, oder die Fünf Sterne Fraktion in Italien bedeutet eine Entfremdung von den traditionellen politischen Parteien und manchmal auch ein Missverständnis von Repräsentation und Rechtsordnung. Demokratie ist ein Projekt ohne Ende, nicht nür für die ex-Soviet Staaten, und den Mittleren Osten – wo davon ausgegangen wird, dass Demokratie aus dem Gebrauch einer Waffe stammt, mit Unterstützung von Facebook und Twitter! – aber auch im Westen. Demokratie braucht politische Bildung und Lernen durch Praxis. Wie können wir unser Publikum besser auf Demokratie und Staatsbürgerschaft vorbereiten?
Educazione politiche
Gli odierni sviluppi negli Stati Uniti, Germania, Italia e Est Europa, mostrano come la democrazia non sia una manifestazione spontanea. L'ascesa dei partiti populisti come il Tea Party negli Stati Uniti, i Pirati e Alternative für Deutschland in Germania, e le Cinque Stelle in Italia suggerisce grave disaffezione dai principali partiti politici e, in termini di comportamento, a volte l'incapacità di capire che cosa comportino rappresentazione e stato di diritto. Democratizzazione è un progetto in corso non solo per gli Stati della ex Unione Sovietica, e il Medio Oriente - dove si crede che la democrazia verrà dall’utilizzo di un’arma, assistito da Facebook e Twitter! - ma anche in Occidente. La democrazia richiede educazione, sulla base del “learning by doing”. Come si fa a preparare al meglio il nostro pubblico alla democrazia e alla cittadinanza?
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In her Introduction, Patricia Springborg writes that the goals of this book are to correct misreadings of her earlier expositions of Astell's views; to argue that Astell should be read as systematically responding to Locke; to establish... more
In her Introduction, Patricia Springborg writes that the goals of this book are to correct misreadings of her earlier expositions of Astell's views; to argue that Astell should be read as systematically responding to Locke; to establish Astell as a feminist; to provide historical context for Astell's work; and to give a ''coherent overall assessment of Astell'' (p. 2).
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Patricia Springborg, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan. Review by: Samuel Glen Wong
Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 61, No. 3 (Fall 2008), p. 920
Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 61, No. 3 (Fall 2008), p. 920
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Corriere della Sera, Monday July 21, p. 26 2nd page of Cultura, Armando Torno in a review article “We cannot live without lying”. We would like to signal a last book, which indirectly touches upon the argument. It is Thomas Hobbes,... more
Corriere della Sera, Monday July 21, p. 26 2nd page of Cultura, Armando Torno in a review article “We cannot live without lying”.
We would like to signal a last book, which indirectly touches upon the argument. It is Thomas Hobbes, Historia Ecclesiastica, which has just been published by the Paris-based publisher Honoré Champion, with the critical text in Latin, the English version and a formidable 300 page introduction by Patricia Springborg of the University of Sydney (the
book is published thanks to a contribution of the Free University of Bolzano). This work in the shape of an elegiac poem which never found proper consideration in Hobbes scholarship, is perhaps the most vitriolic and polemical among the writings of the English
philosopher. At its basis is condemnation of the power of the Pope, although the verses are steeped with a lurking question, which is often expressed in the form of satire: how many lies did the Church need throughout its history? How to reply to this question?
Hobbes does not provide a list. And then, in any event, for those who have faith this is not particularly important.
We would like to signal a last book, which indirectly touches upon the argument. It is Thomas Hobbes, Historia Ecclesiastica, which has just been published by the Paris-based publisher Honoré Champion, with the critical text in Latin, the English version and a formidable 300 page introduction by Patricia Springborg of the University of Sydney (the
book is published thanks to a contribution of the Free University of Bolzano). This work in the shape of an elegiac poem which never found proper consideration in Hobbes scholarship, is perhaps the most vitriolic and polemical among the writings of the English
philosopher. At its basis is condemnation of the power of the Pope, although the verses are steeped with a lurking question, which is often expressed in the form of satire: how many lies did the Church need throughout its history? How to reply to this question?
Hobbes does not provide a list. And then, in any event, for those who have faith this is not particularly important.
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Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, An Online Journal, 2008.05.06 Patricia Springborg (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan Cambridge University Press, 2007, 533pp., $29.99 (pbk), ISBN 9780521545211. Reviewed by Susanne... more
Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, An
Online Journal, 2008.05.06
Patricia Springborg (ed.)
The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan
Cambridge University Press, 2007, 533pp., $29.99 (pbk), ISBN 9780521545211.
Reviewed by Susanne Sreedhar, Boston University, Published: May 06, 2008
Online Journal, 2008.05.06
Patricia Springborg (ed.)
The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan
Cambridge University Press, 2007, 533pp., $29.99 (pbk), ISBN 9780521545211.
Reviewed by Susanne Sreedhar, Boston University, Published: May 06, 2008
Research Interests:
Review by Jacqueline Broad of PATRICIA SPRINGBORG. Mary Astell: Theorist of Freedom from Domination. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2005. Pp. xix, 372. $80.00
The American Historical Review.VOLUME 113 • NUMBER 2 • APRIL 2008
The American Historical Review.VOLUME 113 • NUMBER 2 • APRIL 2008
Research Interests:
Reviewed Work(s): Historia Ecclesiastica. Libre pensée et littérature clandestine by ThomasHobbes, Patricia Springborg, Patricia Stablein and Paul Wilson Review by: Jacqueline Rose Source: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 41, No. 3... more
Reviewed Work(s): Historia Ecclesiastica. Libre pensée et littérature clandestine by ThomasHobbes, Patricia Springborg, Patricia Stablein and Paul Wilson
Review by: Jacqueline Rose
Source: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 867-869
Review by: Jacqueline Rose
Source: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 867-869
Research Interests:
Reviewed Work(s):
The Problem of Human Needs and the Critique of Civilisation by Patricia Springborg, Robert Sutherland
The American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 3. (Sep., 1983), pp. 836-837.
The Problem of Human Needs and the Critique of Civilisation by Patricia Springborg, Robert Sutherland
The American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 3. (Sep., 1983), pp. 836-837.
Research Interests:
Reviewed Work(s): The Problem of Human Needs and theCritique of Civilisation by Patricia Springborg Review by: Peter Lassman Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 1983), pp. 270-271 Published by: Wiley on behalf... more
Reviewed Work(s): The Problem of Human Needs and theCritique of Civilisation by Patricia Springborg
Review by: Peter Lassman
Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 1983), pp. 270-271
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
Review by: Peter Lassman
Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 1983), pp. 270-271
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
Research Interests:
Reviewed Work(s): The Problem of Human Needs and the Critique of Civilization byPatricia Springborg
Review by: Christian Bay
Source: Political Theory, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Feb., 1983), pp. 140-143
Review by: Christian Bay
Source: Political Theory, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Feb., 1983), pp. 140-143
Research Interests:
Reviewed Work(s): Mary Astell: Theorist of Freedom from Domination by PatriciaSpringborg
Review by: Cynthia Garrett
Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Spring 2008), pp. 312-313
Review by: Cynthia Garrett
Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Spring 2008), pp. 312-313