Abstract
If unremunerated blood donors are willing to participate, and if the use of them is economical from the perspective of those collecting blood, I can see no objection to their use. But there seems to me no good reason, moral or practical, why they should be used. The system of paid plasmapheresis as it currently operates in the United States and in Canada would seem perfectly adequate, and while there may always be ways in which the safety and efficiency of supply could be increased, there seems no reason whatever to think that there would be an improvement if the current system changed so as to rely entirely on unpaid donors. Further, given the adequacy of paid plasmapheresis, I could see no problem if the collection of whole blood were to take place on a similar, fully-commercial, basis. Such a view is controversial. To argue for it, this paper offers just one strand in a complex argument: a critique of Richard Titmuss’s Gift Relationship, which holds an iconic position in the critical literature on the paid provision of blood. As I conclude: all told, there seems no good basis for rejecting supply of whole blood for money—let alone the supply of blood plasma.
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Notes
This paper draws on work undertaken for a larger project, over many years, including in archives at the Stanford University School of Medicine, and the NIH. I will limit the extent to which points are documented in order to keep notes to a manageable length. For a most interesting and informative guide to some of the history here, see Starr (1998).
Arrangements were, in fact, much more complex than this; not least because of the existence of a large Community Blood Bank sector (see, for an overview, Drake et al. 1982). In addition, what I am here describing as the ‘Red Cross’ and ‘AABB’ systems did not completely match membership of the Red Cross and AABB networks.
See letters from J. S. Hayhurst, Blood Bank of San Bernardino-Riverside Counties, San Bernadino, Calif., 25 March 1974 and J. Wesley Alexander and George W. Geisen, University of Cincinnati Medical Center, 30 April 1974, Folder 1.2, Box 1 of NLM MS C 393, National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, MD, USA.
Perlmutter v. Beth David Hospital, 308 N. Y. 100, 123 N.E. 2d 792 (1954). See, for a useful survey of these issues from the perspective of the mid-1970s (Havighurst 1976).
Compare, for example, Anderson (1990); for the Titmuss connection, see especially p. 196.
See, for some of the story, Fontaine (2002).
Karl Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme; cf. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/Marx_Critque_of_the_Gotha_Programme.pdf. In Titmuss’s case, however, there is—in Fabian fashion—a backdrop of paid professionals who direct the program.
Not least because of the way in which the Red Cross has, historically, been associated with wartime provision.
For example, if there is a statistically higher rate of the injection of illegal drugs among a particular racial group in a particular area.
For some interesting discussion of this, see Leveton et al. (1995).
See National Library of Health Archives, U.S. Department of Health Education and Welfare, National Blood Policy Records 1969–1981.
Personal recollection of discussion at a consultative meeting discussing Australian Blood Supply Policy, which had representation from patients’ groups.
An experienced researcher in this field, in a personal communication, has mentioned that: "When [the researcher] studied blood donors in Poland, they had a system in which people could give for pay or for nothing in the same facility. [The researcher] talked to donors who said they sometimes did one and sometimes the other, depending on how much they needed the money."
I should perhaps stress that I am all in favour of the existence and activities of such companies who on the face of it play a key role in saving lives. My point, in the text, is that it is not obvious why people should be expected to supply their raw material without payment.
For its unavoidability if we wish to live in an economy with the extensive advanced division of labour, see Hayek (1997).
He refers, in this context, to Rodriguez del Pozo (1994).
I have found people who express surprise when told that blood is no longer purchased, while the ghost of the insurance/assurance arrangements still seems to live on in the basis of how people are encouraged to give blood in some areas of the U.S.
It is striking that, for example, David Miller favours the artificial creation by the state of such arrangements as a moral basis for a national health service; see Miller (1995).
See National Library of Health Archives, U.S. Department of Health Education and Welfare, National Blood Policy Records 1969–1981, MSC 393.
From archive materials held at the Stanford University School of Medicine, Allen—who had done a lot of work on what he thought was the misuse of blood-replacement funding by a San Francisco community blood bank – was in correspondence with the California state officers who initiated this action.
Radin (1996) is useful on this point.
In addition, it is not clear that moral pressure on family members is a good basis on which to collect blood. (For example, people who have good reasons not to donate may be reluctant to have to explain these to members of their immediate family).
See George W. Geisen and Eve Gorman, ‘Let’s Get on the Target’, delivered to the AABB Annual Meeting, Bar Harbour, Miami Beach, Florida, November 14th 1973, and also submitted as part of a response to the National Blood Policy Implementation Plan, MSC 393, Box 1, 1–5, No. 218; see National Library of Health Archives, U.S. Department of Health Education and Welfare, National Blood Policy Records 1969–1981.
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Shearmur, J.F. The Gift Relationship Revisited. HEC Forum 27, 301–317 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10730-014-9252-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10730-014-9252-6