Abstract
Traditional welfare states were based on passive solidarity. Able bodied, healthy minded citizens paid taxes and social premiums, usually according to a progressive taxation logic following the ability to pay principle. Elderly, fragile, weak, unhealthy and disabled citizens were taken care of in institutions, usually in quiet parts of the country (hills, woods, sea side). During the nineteen eighties and nineties of the twentieth century, ideas changed. Professionals, patients and policy makers felt that it would be better for the weak and fragile to live in mainstream society, rather than be taken care of in institutions outside society. This might be cheaper too. Hence policy measures were taken to accomplish deinstitutionalization. This article discusses the implications of deinstitutionalization for distributive justice. It is argued that the weakest among the weak and fragile stand to lose from this operation. For able bodied citizens deinstitutionalization entails a move from passive to active solidarity. Rather than just pay taxes they have to actively care for and help the needy themselves. The move from passive to active solidarity tends to take advantage of benevolent citizens and burden the socioeconomically disadvantaged. This may be a reason to reconsider the policy move toward deinstitutionalization.
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Notes
In this article I shall refer to people with a chronic illness, a disability or a mental retardation as ‘the weak’, ‘the frail’, or ‘the frail and fragile’ and to the healthy minded, able bodied citizens who have to help them in one way or another as ‘the strong’. I am aware that this may be stigmatizing. I know that many people with a disability can be remarkably strong in other respects and that many able bodied citizens lack courage and perseverance. I hope the reader can forgive me. I intend to discuss the distribution of care obligations and that means that I have to distinguish between people receiving care and people who give care. Pointing out that everybody needs care during certain stages in life or that care giving can be very rewarding, although both very true, clouds the distributive issue. It is like talking about raising children. This is, most parents will readily say, the most rewarding experience life has to offer. But sometimes we must nevertheless discuss the distribution of caring obligations between fathers, mothers and the state and we cannot do that if we constantly have to mince our words because otherwise we get reminded that children are the best thing that ever happened to us. If we are only allowed to talk in terms of ‘our bundles of joy’ the social justice issue will elude us.
A recurring pattern in research on deinstitutionalization is that parents disapprove of the whole idea. Usually the plans are carried out regardless and after a while parents tend to come around and see the move in a more positive light. This pattern makes hospital directors and policy makers dismiss the initial resistance as cold feet. Cf. [43].
On a more general note Burtt [6] observes that “people become advocates of robust inclusion not from an abstract impulse of benevolence or compassion or justice, but from an experience of relatedness to individuals with disabilities”.
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Trappenburg, M.J. Active Solidarity and Its Discontents. Health Care Anal 23, 207–220 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10728-013-0260-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10728-013-0260-5