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Globalizing ‘science and religion’: examples from the late Ottoman Empire

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 August 2022

M. Alper Yalçınkaya*
Affiliation:
TED University, Ankara, Turkey
*
*Corresponding author: M. Alper Yalçınkaya, Email: alper.yalcinkaya@tedu.edu.tr

Abstract

This article brings together insights from efforts to develop a global history of science and recent historical and sociological studies on the relations between science and religion. Using the case of the late Ottoman Empire as an example, it argues that ‘science and religion’ can be seen as a debate that travelled globally in the nineteenth century, generating new conceptualizations of both science and religion in many parts of the world. In their efforts to counter arguments that represented Islam as the enemy of science and progress, young Ottoman intellectuals wrote many texts addressing a specific European author, or an imagined, broad European audience in the mid- to late nineteenth century. These texts described a ‘science-friendly’ Islam of which not only Europeans but also ‘ignorant Muslims’ were unaware. Using examples from the Ottoman press, the article demonstrates how this effort involved separating Islam from the lived reality of Muslims, transforming the religion essentially into a text that referred to scientific facts or that instructed adherents to appreciate science. In their contributions to the debate on science and religion, these young intellectuals thus also defined themselves as the legitimate interpreters of Islam in the ‘age of science’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of British Society for the History of Science

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References

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17 Yalçınkaya, op. cit. (10), refers to these changes as well, but focuses primarily on domestic political concerns due to which the Ottoman sultan Abdülhamid II gave support to authors of texts demonstrating that Islam and science were in harmony.

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21 Untitled, Basiret, 22 Zilkade 1289 (21 January 1873), p. 3.

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39 On 20–21 and 22 May 1883.

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41 Midhat, op. cit. (40).

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51 Gustave Le Bon, La Civilization des Arabes, vols. 1 and 2, Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1884, p. 104. Also see Yalçinkaya, op. cit. (10), on Ahmed Midhat's transformation of John William Draper into an ally.

52 Note again that many among the new intellectuals had received some religious education in public institutions or from tutors. They could also be conversant with Sufi ideas and practices. It would be more accurate to see them as new claimants to authority in matters pertaining to religion than as adversaries of the medrese, or men alienated from religion.

53 See, for instance, Namık Kemal, ‘Terakki’, Ibret, 14 Tesrinievvel 1288 (26 October 1872), pp. 1–2; Kemal, ‘Ibret’, Ibret, 5 Haziran 1288 (17 June 1872), pp. 1–2; Kemal, ‘Sınaat ve ticaretimiz’, İbret, 8 Teşrinisani 1288 (20 November 1872), pp. 1–2; Kemal, ‘Sa'y’, Cüzdan, Zilhicce 1289 (February 1873), pp. 2–5; Ahmed Midhat, Iktisat Metinleri (ed. Erdogan Erbay), Konya: Cizgi, 2005. For a detailed analysis of late nineteenth-century Ottoman debates about how to generate a ‘capitalist spirit’ among Muslims see Kilincoglu, Deniz, Economics and Capitalism in the Ottoman Empire, New York: Routledge, 2015CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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55 Note that these texts referred primarily to the situation in nineteenth-century Istanbul and to what the authors saw as the center of the Ottoman realms. Courses on astronomy, medicine and mathematics had commonly been part of medrese curricula primarily before the eighteenth century, and the association between the medrese and strictly traditional Islamic scholarship was a relatively novel phenomenon. On this as well as the dynamic ways in which branches of knowledge had been defined in Muslim societies see Murphy, Jane, ‘Islamicate knowledge systems: circulation, rationality, and politics’, in Salvatore, Armando (ed.), The Wiley Blackwell History of Islam, Hoboken, NJ: Wiley Blackwell, 2018, pp. 479–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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