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  1.  1
    Introduction to the Special Issue on Normative Aspects of International Trade Institutions.Valentin Beck - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):173-180.
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  2. Rescuing the Libertarian Non-Aggression Principle.Billy Christmas - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):305-325.
    Many libertarians ground their theory of justice in a non-aggression principle. The NAP is often the basis for the libertarian condemnation of state action – that it is necessarily aggressive and therefore unjust. This approach is often criticised insofar as it defines aggression, in part, as the violation of legitimate property rights, and is therefore parasitical upon a prior – and unjustified – theory of property. While it is true that libertarians who defend the NAP sometimes fail to give a (...)
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  3.  1
    Global Trade with an Epistemic Upgrade.Lisa Herzog - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):257-279.
    This paper takes a social epistemology perspective on markets in general and trade deals in particular. Normatively, it is based on considerations of democratic accountability and contestation. Empirically, it is based on the assumption that all markets are embedded in institutional frameworks. Knowledge plays an important role in the institutional framework of markets: it matters both at the level of content – which knowledge has to be processed in what way, according to the market rules? – and at the level (...)
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  4.  3
    Must We Protect Foreign Investors?Johannes Kniess - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):205-225.
    Investment protection clauses, and the investor-state dispute settlement mechanisms they enable, have become a common feature of international agreements on trade and investment. Intended to promote foreign investment, these protections may also discourage governments from regulating in the public interest. This raises challenging normative questions about the rights of investors and distributive justice. In this paper, I argue that a global investment regime that disadvantages developing countries and socially disadvantaged groups is prima facie unfair. This conclusion must be defended against (...)
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  5.  1
    Democratic Legitimacy Beyond the State: Politicization, Representation, and a Systemic Framework.Jonathan William Kuyper - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):281-303.
    Does the politicization of international authority help to reduce democratic deficits beyond the state? In this paper I argue that politicization provides a useful springboard for remedying democratic deficits at the EU and global level. Despite this promise, there are a range of concerns that inhibit a direct relationship between politicization and increased democratic legitimacy. The paper unpacks what politicization is and how it might relate to democratic legitimacy. It then argues that problems surrounding representation – in particular the constructivist (...)
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  6.  3
    Making Offers They Can’T Refuse: Consensus and Domination in the WTO.Tadhg Ó Laoghaire - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):227-256.
    The World Trade Organisation, and the international trade regime within which it operates, is regularly evaluated in terms of distributive outcomes or opportunities. A less-established concern is the extent to which the institutional structure of the trade regime enables agents to exert control over the economic forces to which they’re subject. This oversight is surprising, as trade negotiations amongst states have profound impacts upon what options remain open to those states and their citizens in regulating their economies. This article contributes (...)
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  7.  5
    Privacy, Interests, and Inalienable Rights.Adam D. Moore - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):327-355.
    Some rights are so important for human autonomy and well-being that many scholars insist they should not be waived, traded, or abandoned. Privacy is a recent addition to this list. At the other end of the spectrum is the belief that privacy is a mere unimportant interest or preference. This paper defends a middle path between viewing privacy as an inalienable, non-waivable, non-transferrable right and the view of privacy as a mere subjective interest. First, an account of privacy is offered (...)
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  8.  1
    Being Realistic About International Trade Justice.Christian Neuhäuser - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (2):181-204.
    The current philosophical debate on just international trade has moved away from purely idealistic theorizing into the direction of non-ideal theory. At the same time most philosophical thought on just trade is still rather idealistic and the main argument of the paper is that some philosophical reasoning about international trade justice should be more realistic. The paper develops in three steps. In a first step I will give a short overview over normative questions that arise with respect to international trade. (...)
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  9.  2
    Introduction to the Special Issue on Philip Pettit’s The Robust Demands of the Good.Susanne Burri & Nathan P. Adams - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):1-8.
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  10.  9
    The Value of Robustness: Promotion or Protection?Benjamin Ferguson - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):9-27.
    Philip Pettit has argued that the goods of attachment, virtue, and respect are robust goods in the sense that they require both the actual provision of certain benefits and the modally robust provision of these benefits. He also claims that we value the robustness of these goods because it diminishes our vulnerability to others. I question whether robustness really reduces vulnerability and argue that even if it does, vulnerability reduction is not the reason we value robustness. In place of Pettit’s (...)
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  11.  2
    The Robust Demands of the Right.Dorothea Gädeke - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):29-47.
    In The Robust Demands of the Good Pettit claims that the three goods he takes to be central to the good, namely attachment, virtue and respect, share a common structure: they are robustly demanding in that they require the provision of an associated benefit not just under actual but across various possible circumstances. The aim of this paper is to show that the unified account of the good misconstrues the nature of respect. First, I argue that Pettit’s account of respect (...)
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  12.  1
    The Robust Demands of Oppression Problematizing Pettit’s Account of Attachments.Federica Gregoratto - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):49-67.
    The article critically discusses Pettit’s account of love as an intimate attachment. I will not question his notion that love implies care; my aim is to show how, under certain social structural conditions, the demands of love bring about and/or reproduce oppression. First, I recap and discuss Pettit’s conception of love. Second, I show how the traditional gender order generates asymmetries in the provision of care, thus setting the ground for situations in which the demands of care become oppressive. Third, (...)
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  13.  2
    The Difference Principle, Capitalism, and Property-Owning Democracy.Andrew Lister - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):151-172.
    Jason Brennan and John Tomasi have argued that if we focus on income alone, the Difference Principle supports welfare-state capitalism over property-owning democracy, because capitalism maximizes long run income growth for the worst off. If so, the defense of property-owning democracy rests on the priority of equal opportunity for political influence and social advancement over raising the income of the worst off, or on integrating workplace control into the Difference Principle’s index of advantage. The thesis of this paper is that (...)
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  14. Pettit on Love and Its Value: A Critical Assessment.Sven Nyholm - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):87-102.
    Philip Pettit has identified some interesting apparent commonalities among core human values like love, friendship, virtue, and respect. These are all, Pettit argues, ‘robustly demanding’: they require us to provide certain benefits across ranges of alternative scenarios. Pettit also suggests a general ‘rationale’ for valuing such goods, which draws on his work on freedom. In this paper, I zoom in on love in particular. I critically assess whether Pettit’s schematic account of love’s value adequately captures what we typically value in (...)
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  15.  5
    Defending The Robust Demands of the Good.Philip Pettit - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):103-126.
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  16.  2
    Robust Harms.Isaac Taylor - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):69-85.
    Philip Pettit has argued that more robust harms are worse than less robust ones, other things equal, and thinks that appealing to this presumption can help us rationalise the appeal of a number of widely-held moral principles. In this paper, I challenge this view. I argue against the presumption and suggest that, even if it were correct, it could not give much support to the moral principles that Pettit discusses. I also claim, however, that Pettit has the resources at his (...)
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  17. Arendt and the Legitimate Expectation for Hospitality and Membership Today.Michael D. Weinman - 2018 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 5 (1):127-149.
    What does the growing tide of displaced persons today teach us about the ongoing paradoxes of human rights regimes, which rely on the particular sovereignty of nation-states for their constitution and application but are framed and normatively justified as universal? Working with Arendt’s defense of ‘the right to have rights’ in response to the problem of statelessness which is the practical lynchpin of these historical and theoretical tensions, I specify that and why any person on earth, regardless of their legal (...)
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