Philosophy and Social Criticism

ISSNs: 0191-4537, 1461-734X

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  1.  16
    Our reply to critics by Andrew Arato and Jean L. Cohen.Andrew Arato & Jean L. Cohen - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):898-903.
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  2.  23
    Populism, (un-)civil society and constituent power.Paul Blokker - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):876-881.
    Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen's Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Democratic Constitutionalism is probably the most important contribution to the academic debate on populism in recent years. I will discuss two of the book's core contribution to the delete: (un-)civil society and constitutionalism.
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  3.  15
    Beyond emergency politics: Carl Schmitt’s substantive constitutionalism.Mariano Croce & Andrea Salvatore - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):929-947.
    This article problematizes the recent comeback of the exceptionalist jargon as it is conjured by both critics and sympathizers. While in the last decades governments across the globe had recourse to emergency measures to cope with far-reaching emergencies, from terrorism to the COVID-19 pandemic, the received view has it that political power takes advantage of states of emergency as they put themselves in the position to circumvent constitutional limitations. Carl Schmitt is claimed to be the major advocate of this conception (...)
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  4.  8
    Populism in power and its hybridizations.Paula Diehl - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):882-889.
    According to the authors of Populism and Civil Society, ‘populism is situated within the democratic imaginary’ but its logic is authoritarian. This article agrees with the first but challenges the second argument by focussing on the question of representation. In the case of ‘populism as government’ the tensions between bottom-up and top-down articulations seem to be more or less resolved by the repression of bottom-up organization, but in so doing, so the argument of this article, populism is mutating into something (...)
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  5.  30
    Taking politics seriously: A prudential justification of political realism.Greta Favara - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):904-928.
    Political realists have devoted much effort to clarifying the methodological specificity of realist theorising and defending its consistency as an approach to political reasoning. Yet the question of how to justify the realist approach has not received the same attention. In this article, I offer a prudential justification of political realism. To do so, I first characterise realism as anti-moralism. I then outline three possible arguments for the realist approach by availing myself of recent inquiries into the metatheoretical basis of (...)
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  6.  15
    An epistemic alternative to the public justification requirement.Henrik Friberg-Fernros & Johan Karlsson Schaffer - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):948-970.
    How should the state justify its coercive rules? Public reason liberalism endorses a public justification requirement: Justifications offered for authoritative regulations must be acceptable to all members of the relevant public. However, as a criterion of legitimacy, the public justification requirement is epistemically unreliable: It prioritizes neither the exclusion of false beliefs nor the inclusion of true beliefs in justifications of political rules. This article presents an epistemic alternative to the public justification requirement. Employing epistemological theories of argumentation, we demonstrate (...)
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  7.  17
    Bringing gender and religion in: Right-wing networks and “Populism and Civil Society”.Ina Kerner - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):862-867.
    In this contribution, Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen’s Populism and Civil Society is confronted with current gender studies research on populism. This research mainly focuses on right-wing populism and highlights strong links between right-wing populists and the religious right, which are to a large degree organized by “anti-gender,” a stance both against social constructivist notions of gender and against basic gender rights, especially in the fields of reproduction and of LGBTIQ concerns. Against the backdrop of this literature, I argue that (...)
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  8.  10
    Introduction to special issue on book symposium Populism and civil society: The challenge to democratic constitutionalism(2022) by Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen.Regina Kreide - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):847-849.
    Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Democratic Constitutionalism (2022) by Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen is an important book that addresses a widespread and ominous phenomenon around the world: The challenge of populism. This book forms a symposium by renowned authors which gathers commentaries on Arato and Cohen’s book. From different points of view, comments, suggestions and queries are put forward, to which the authors respond. The authors’ illuminating rejoinders not only present some of their arguments in a new (...)
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  9.  17
    On Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Constitutional Democracy by Andrew Arato and Jean L. Cohen.María Pía Lara - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):855-861.
    I will critically explore Arato and Cohen’s work on populism acknowledging areas of agreement while noting gaps in their reasoning particularly regarding the complex relations between capitalism and democracy and the recent erosion of democracy replacing it with authoritarian regimes that are better suited for neoliberal policies.
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  10. Against ‘institutional racism’.D. C. Matthew - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):971-996.
    This paper argues that the concept and role of ‘institutional racism’ in contemporary discussions of race should be reconsidered. It starts by distinguishing between ‘intrinsic institutional racism’, which holds that institutions are racist in virtue of their constitutive features, and ‘extrinsic institutional racism’, which holds that institutions are racist in virtue of their negative effects. It accepts intrinsic institutional racism, but argues that a ‘disparate impact’ conception of extrinsic conception faces a number of objections, the most serious being that it (...)
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  11.  7
    Moses and Aron: Reconsidering holistic politics.Kolja Möller - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):868-875.
    Drawing on Arnold Schönberg’s seminal opera “Moses and Aron”, the comment focuses on the role of holistic politics in Andrew Arato’s and Jean L. Cohen’s “Populism and Civil Society”. It argues that their anti-populist stance is too quick in dismissing a politics which is driven by representing and re-constituting the whole of the social order. Against this backdrop, a rejuvenation of the political left may not consist in a rejection of holism as such but in a popular politics which relies (...)
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  12.  23
    Populism and critical theory: On Arato and Cohen.Patrick O’Mahony - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):890-897.
    The book contains an extraordinary condensation of important themes regarding populism. It brings social and political science together with normative philosophy, something badly needed today in critical theory to advance its theoretical-empirical approach. But it is precisely the kind of interpretation of critical theory presented in the book that is the focus of these brief comments. In particular, I mainly ask about the relation to second-generation critical theory. In this context, the comments particularly address kinds and levels of cultural structure (...)
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  13.  17
    A full ideology as driver for authoritarian dynamics: Comment to Populism and Civil Society.Michael Zürn - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (6):850-854.
    “Populism and Civil Society” is a rich book full of insights. I see three crucial overarching points the book drives home: one about the character of current populism, one about the causes, and one about the consequences. First, they define populism in a way that goes beyond the prevailing juxtaposition of the people and the elite. Instead, the definition involves elements of the ideas about a good order, including the central role of popular sovereignty, the symbolic representation and embodiment of (...)
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  14.  7
    Illiberal polity as the retribution of post-imperial nation-building: The case of Turkey.Cengiz Aktar - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):629-637.
    Turkey, in direct lineage of the Ottoman Empire, experimented a particularly violent nation-building out of the imperial ashes. Non-Muslims corresponding to one fifth of its population have been annihilated for the creation of a homogeneous nation State. These crimes have never been accounted for, giving way to a culture of impunity, self-righteousness, contempt for the rule of law and justice which, over years, pushed the polity towards an illiberal if not totalitarian essence and praxis, domestically against its own constituency and (...)
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  15.  12
    Fascist ideas, practices and networks of ‘Empire’: Rethinking Interwar Italy as post-Habsburg history (1918–1938).Marco Bresciani - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):584-596.
    This chapter relates post-1918 Italy to the collapse of the Habsburg Empire and the ascent of the successor states, and analyses, from the Trieste’s vantage point, fascist projects, practices and networks of ‘empire’ in the Adriatic Sea, in Mitteleuropa and in the Balkans between 1918 and 1938. It focuses on three connected aspects. Firstly, the northern Adriatic was the first setting of the ascent of squadrismo, a model of violent action against ‘enemies within’ then replicated elsewhere. Secondly, Italian nationalism and (...)
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  16.  17
    From empire to nation: Management of religious pluralism in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.Salim Çevik - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):597-607.
    The transition from empire to nation-state poses challenges in managing religious and ethnic pluralism. Empires, characterized by hierarchical structures and diversity, contrast with nation-states, which aim for uniformity and unity. As empires modernize administratively, they grapple with different approaches to pluralism. While Habsburgs were more in favor of a federal plurality, the Romanovs pushed for centralization and assimilation. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottomans vacillated between these two alternative paths. This vacillation is most evident in their approach to millet system (...)
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  17.  17
    Literature and the legacy of Empire: Approaching Turkey’s post-imperial condition through Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar.Johanna Chovanec - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):608-628.
    How does literature engage with the legacies of Empire? This article examines how imperial decline and nation building are reflected in textual production after the First World War. With Turkey as a case study, it focuses on the post-imperial narrative as a form of narration dealing with the experience of imperial loss, political contingency and possibilities of national belonging. I argue that Turkey’s post-imperial condition is shaped by coming to terms with the loss of the Ottoman Empire, on the one (...)
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  18.  17
    Forced marriages and unintentional divorces: The national attitudes in Armenia and Uzbekistan towards the ‘Russian World’.Riccardo Mario Cucciolla - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):688-714.
    In 1991, new political discourses emerged in the Soviet republics that had to reinvent themselves as independent states, redefining their national identity on several dimensions. This process matured ambiguous attitudes toward the former imperial center and different visions over the scopes, perspectives, and claims of a ‘Russian World’ in the former Soviet space, where Moscow still asserted an exclusive political and cultural sphere of influence. In this article, we will review the cases of Armenia and Uzbekistan with peculiar national projects (...)
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  19.  15
    Nationalism, nation-building, and the decline of empires.Riccardo Mario Cucciolla - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):554-558.
    In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference ‘Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires’ in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene.
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  20.  17
    Stalin and the Soviet theory of nationality and nationalism: Intellectual and political roots, implementation, and post-1991 legacies.Andrea Graziosi - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):638-650.
    In this essay, I assess Stalin’s ideas and concepts about nationalities, their ‘manipulability’ and their legacies. I do this by briefly reconstructing their theoretical and political roots in both Tsarist and socialist traditions. Special attention will be paid to the discovery of a positive correlation between economic development and the growth of nationalism among ‘backward’ peasant peoples, which went against the grain of previous socialist beliefs, and to the appearance of a theory according to which socialism would naturally produce a (...)
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  21.  20
    The third Ukraine: A case of civic nationalism.Yaroslav Hrytsak - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):674-687.
    To some extent, the current Russian-Ukrainian may be described as a conflict between two visions of nation, respectively, ethnic and civic models. Putin believes that a language defines a nation. In his understanding, since many Ukrainians are Russian speakers, they are Russians. His perception of Ukraine is anachronistic. He has failed to notice Ukraine's radical transformation since it gained independence. The current Ukrainian identity has a strong civic component. Its core is represented by a new urban middle class with a (...)
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  22.  12
    Prisons of peoples? Empire, nation and conflict management in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848–1925.Pieter M. Judson - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):559-570.
    Vladimir Putin’s legitimation of Russia’s brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? (...)
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  23.  9
    Borders, states, and armed conflicts in Europe and Northeast Asia since 1945: The moral hazard of great-power encroachments.Mark Kramer - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):651-673.
    This article discusses the significance of international borders in Europe and Northeast Asia during the Cold War (1945–1989) and after. Using the concept of ‘moral hazard’, the article examines what happens when great powers frequently violate the borders of neighboring countries without suffering adverse repercussions. Norms of sovereignty and territorial integrity are viable only if large countries are willing to uphold them most of the time. The Soviet Union used or threatened to use military force against East European countries on (...)
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  24.  5
    The challenges of pseudo-nationalism and the lessons from intellectual history.Mark Lilla - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):715-717.
    This article questions whether past experience with nationalisms rooted in history, language, custom and religion will be much of a guide to pseudo-nationalisms that arise in a globalized age with increasingly ‘liquid’ societies.
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  25.  8
    Colonial lessons to learn from Habsburg: Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1878–1918.Clemens Ruthner - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (4):571-583.
    In 1878, as a consequence of an international Balkan summit in Berlin, Austria–Hungary was given permission to occupy the troubled Ottoman provinces Bosnia and Hercegovina. A gory invasion campaign ensued, followed by four decades of civil administration. Finally, the territories were annexated by the Habsburg Monarchy in 1908 as an appendix of sorts, which almost caused the premature outbreak of a great war in Europe. This article will sketch the background for this last – and lethal – expansion of the (...)
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  26.  13
    A living critique of domination: Exemplars of radical democracy from Black Lives Matter to #MeToo.Martin Breaugh & Dean Caivano - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):447-472.
    Building on recent developments in radical democratic theory, in this article we articulate and explore a fresh perspective for theorists and activists of radical democracy: a ‘living critique of domination’. Characterized by a two-fold analytical effort, a ‘living critique of domination’ calls for a radical critique of contemporary forms of power and control coupled with a reappraisal of emancipatory political experiences created by the political action of the Many. We demonstrate that this project responds to the theoretical and practical challenges (...)
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  27.  16
    A living critique of domination: Exemplars of radical democracy from Black Lives Matter to #MeToo.Martin Breaugh & Dean Caivano - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):447-472.
    Building on recent developments in radical democratic theory, in this article we articulate and explore a fresh perspective for theorists and activists of radical democracy: a ‘living critique of domination’. Characterized by a two-fold analytical effort, a ‘living critique of domination’ calls for a radical critique of contemporary forms of power and control coupled with a reappraisal of emancipatory political experiences created by the political action of the Many. We demonstrate that this project responds to the theoretical and practical challenges (...)
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  28.  13
    Online astroturfing: A problem beyond disinformation.Jovy Chan - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):507-528.
    Coordinated inauthentic behaviours online are becoming a more serious problem throughout the world. One common type of manipulative behaviour is astroturfing. It happens when an entity artificially creates an impression of widespread support for a product, policy, or concept, when in reality only limited support exists. Online astroturfing is often considered to be just like any other coordinated inauthentic behaviour; with considerable discussion focusing on how it aggravates the spread of fake news and disinformation. This paper shows that astroturfing creates (...)
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  29.  50
    Online astroturfing: A problem beyond disinformation.Jovy Chan - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):507-528.
    Coordinated inauthentic behaviours online are becoming a more serious problem throughout the world. One common type of manipulative behaviour is astroturfing. It happens when an entity artificially creates an impression of widespread support for a product, policy, or concept, when in reality only limited support exists. Online astroturfing is often considered to be just like any other coordinated inauthentic behaviour; with considerable discussion focusing on how it aggravates the spread of fake news and disinformation. This paper shows that astroturfing creates (...)
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  30.  6
    Online astroturfing: A problem beyond disinformation.Jovy Chan - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):507-528.
    Coordinated inauthentic behaviours online are becoming a more serious problem throughout the world. One common type of manipulative behaviour is astroturfing. It happens when an entity artificially creates an impression of widespread support for a product, policy, or concept, when in reality only limited support exists. Online astroturfing is often considered to be just like any other coordinated inauthentic behaviour; with considerable discussion focusing on how it aggravates the spread of fake news and disinformation. This paper shows that astroturfing creates (...)
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  31.  25
    Boredom at the end of history: ‘empty temporalities’ in Rousseau’s Corsica and Fukuyama’s liberal democracy.Eoin Daly - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):473-490.
    In this paper, I consider what it might mean to approach boredom as a problem of post-history, rather than of modernity as such. Post-history, or ‘end of history’, in this sense, is linked with the impossibility or unlikelihood of political-systemic change, and thus with the disappearance of the contingency or temporal flux that had been understood as the context or prerequisite of political action and political freedom. I will, argue, firstly, that both Rousseau and Fukuyama depict societies that are ‘post-historical’, (...)
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  32.  22
    Boredom at the end of history: ‘empty temporalities’ in Rousseau’s Corsica and Fukuyama’s liberal democracy.Eoin Daly - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):473-490.
    In this paper, I consider what it might mean to approach boredom as a problem of post-history, rather than of modernity as such. Post-history, or ‘end of history’, in this sense, is linked with the impossibility or unlikelihood of political-systemic change, and thus with the disappearance of the contingency or temporal flux that had been understood as the context or prerequisite of political action and political freedom. I will, argue, firstly, that both Rousseau and Fukuyama depict societies that are ‘post-historical’, (...)
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  33.  26
    Populism’s challenges to political reason: Reconfiguring the public sphere in an emotional culture.Ana Marta González & Alejandro Néstor García Martínez - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):419-446.
    Populism’s Challenges to Political Reason can be seen as a consequence of social and cultural trends, the so called ‘emotional culture’, that have been accentuated in recent decades. By considering those trends, this article aims at shedding light on some distinctive marks of contemporary populism in order to argue for a reconfiguration of the public sphere that, without ignoring emotion, recovers argumentation and persuasion based on facts and reason.
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  34.  24
    Populism’s challenges to political reason: Reconfiguring the public sphere in an emotional culture.Ana Marta González & Alejandro Néstor García Martínez - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):419-446.
    Populism’s Challenges to Political Reason can be seen as a consequence of social and cultural trends, the so called ‘emotional culture’, that have been accentuated in recent decades. By considering those trends, this article aims at shedding light on some distinctive marks of contemporary populism in order to argue for a reconfiguration of the public sphere that, without ignoring emotion, recovers argumentation and persuasion based on facts and reason.
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  35.  35
    Democracy, community and the supplemental plus un: Derrida’s reading of Blanchot’s The Unavowable Community.Cillian Ó Fathaigh - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):491-506.
    This article argues that Jacques Derrida’s Politics of Friendship presents an implicit but significant critique of Maurice Blanchot’s The Unavowable Community. In Blanchot’s text, the Other disrupts any sense of fusional or essentialist community. But Derrida criticises Blanchot for neglecting the need to negotiate my responsibility to infinite others. Derrida proposes a logic of the plus un, playing on this double meaning in French, where a need to count singularities (‘plus one’) disrupts the unity of community (‘no longer one’). For (...)
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  36.  21
    Where does philosophy begin when rationality is denied? Tsenay Serequeberhan’s concept of a lived existence as a means of decolonizing philosophy.Justin Sands - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (3):529-550.
    Tsenay Serequeberhan’s hermeneutics has been crucial to the development of African philosophy. Initially employed as a pathway through the ethno- and professional philosophical debates, scholars have engaged how Serequeberhan’s hermeneutics grapples with one’s own place within a socio-historical world in service of liberation/self-determination. However, this scholarship mainly has focused on his adaptation of Gadamer’s ‘effective-historical consciousness’ for his own concept of heritage. This consequently leaves his concept of a ‘lived existence’ – which is equally crucial – under-examined. This paper probes (...)
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  37.  33
    Lefort and Rancière on democracy and sovereignty.Annabel Herzog - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):323-342.
    This paper focuses on Lefort’s and Rancière’s conceptions of democracy as a set of conflictual processes through which the composition of the public sphere is reassessed. Reading their works together and sometimes in opposition to each other, the paper extracts elements of a theory of inessential sovereignty that avoids the pitfalls of populist antagonism and of neoliberal diffuse domination. It analyses Lefort’s and Rancière’s understandings of democracy as rule of the people, which are based on ontological and aesthetical distinctions between (...)
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  38.  37
    Lefort and Rancière on democracy and sovereignty.Annabel Herzog - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):323-342.
    This paper focuses on Lefort’s and Rancière’s conceptions of democracy as a set of conflictual processes through which the composition of the public sphere is reassessed. Reading their works together and sometimes in opposition to each other, the paper extracts elements of a theory of inessential sovereignty that avoids the pitfalls of populist antagonism and of neoliberal diffuse domination. It analyses Lefort’s and Rancière’s understandings of democracy as rule of the people, which are based on ontological and aesthetical distinctions between (...)
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  39.  30
    Public reason under the tree: Rawls and the African palaver.Fidèle Ingiyimbere - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):281-298.
    Public reason is central to John Rawls’s political liberalism, as a mechanism for citizens to discuss about matters of common interest. Although free and equal, reasonable and rational, citizens of a democratic society disagree on their understanding of truth and right, giving rise to the fact of reasonable pluralism. Thus, Rawls works out an idea of public reason which allows citizens to argue about political matters and yet remaining divided in their comprehensive doctrines. On the other hand, African culture has (...)
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  40.  19
    Public reason under the tree: Rawls and the African palaver.Fidèle Ingiyimbere - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):281-298.
    Public reason is central to John Rawls’s political liberalism, as a mechanism for citizens to discuss about matters of common interest. Although free and equal, reasonable and rational, citizens of a democratic society disagree on their understanding of truth and right, giving rise to the fact of reasonable pluralism. Thus, Rawls works out an idea of public reason which allows citizens to argue about political matters and yet remaining divided in their comprehensive doctrines. On the other hand, African culture has (...)
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  41.  28
    Public reason under the tree: Rawls and the African palaver.Fidèle Ingiyimbere - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):281-298.
    Public reason is central to John Rawls’s political liberalism, as a mechanism for citizens to discuss about matters of common interest. Although free and equal, reasonable and rational, citizens of a democratic society disagree on their understanding of truth and right, giving rise to the fact of reasonable pluralism. Thus, Rawls works out an idea of public reason which allows citizens to argue about political matters and yet remaining divided in their comprehensive doctrines. On the other hand, African culture has (...)
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  42. Socialist democracy: Rosa Luxemburg’s challenge to democratic theory.James Muldoon & Dougie Booth - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):369-390.
    Contemporary democratic theorists have tended to assume that democracy is compatible with and even requires a capitalist economic system. Rosa Luxemburg offers a democratic criticism of this view, arguing that the dominating effects of a capitalist economy undermine the ability of liberal democracy to actualise its ideals of freedom and equality. Drawing on Luxemburg’s writings, this article theorises a model of socialist democracy which combines support for public ownership and control of the means of production with a plural multi-party electoral (...)
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  43.  26
    Socialist democracy: Rosa Luxemburg’s challenge to democratic theory.James Muldoon & Dougie Booth - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):369-390.
    Contemporary democratic theorists have tended to assume that democracy is compatible with and even requires a capitalist economic system. Rosa Luxemburg offers a democratic criticism of this view, arguing that the dominating effects of a capitalist economy undermine the ability of liberal democracy to actualise its ideals of freedom and equality. Drawing on Luxemburg’s writings, this article theorises a model of socialist democracy which combines support for public ownership and control of the means of production with a plural multi-party electoral (...)
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  44.  11
    “Vergangenheitsbewältigung” revisited: Distinguishing two paradigms of working through the past.Johannes Schulz - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):391-415.
    Social movements like BLM and Rhodes Must Fall have recently re-emphasized the need for “working through” our collective past. I argue that we must be careful to distinguish two distinct and sometimes conflicting understandings of what it means to work through the past. An “idealist” understanding which sees “working through” as a process of self-enlightenment and moral learning through uncovering and acknowledging past moral failures and incorporating them into our collective self-image. The “materialist paradigm”, in contrast, understands “working through” as (...)
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  45.  12
    “Vergangenheitsbewältigung” revisited: Distinguishing two paradigms of working through the past.Johannes Schulz - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):391-415.
    Social movements like BLM and Rhodes Must Fall have recently re-emphasized the need for “working through” our collective past. I argue that we must be careful to distinguish two distinct and sometimes conflicting understandings of what it means to work through the past. An “idealist” understanding which sees “working through” as a process of self-enlightenment and moral learning through uncovering and acknowledging past moral failures and incorporating them into our collective self-image. The “materialist paradigm”, in contrast, understands “working through” as (...)
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  46.  13
    A call for psycho-affective change: Fanon, feminism, and white negrophobic femininity.Nicole Yokum - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):343-368.
    Frantz Fanon’s analysis of white negrophobic women’s masochistic sexuality and sexual fantasies in Black Skin, White Masks, is, as T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting notes, among his most contentious work for feminists. Susan Brownmiller, in her 1975 classic Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, charges Fanon not only with hating women but also with being personally confused and anguished, on account of this portion of the text. In this essay, I examine Fanon’s approach to theorizing white female negrophobia in light of (...)
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  47.  47
    A call for psycho-affective change: Fanon, feminism, and white negrophobic femininity.Nicole Yokum - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):343-368.
    Frantz Fanon’s analysis of white negrophobic women’s masochistic sexuality and sexual fantasies in Black Skin, White Masks, is, as T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting notes, among his most contentious work for feminists. Susan Brownmiller, in her 1975 classic Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, charges Fanon not only with hating women but also with being personally confused and anguished, on account of this portion of the text. In this essay, I examine Fanon’s approach to theorizing white female negrophobia in light of (...)
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  48.  28
    A call for psycho-affective change: Fanon, feminism, and white negrophobic femininity.Nicole Yokum - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):343-368.
    Frantz Fanon’s analysis of white negrophobic women’s masochistic sexuality and sexual fantasies in Black Skin, White Masks, is, as T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting notes, among his most contentious work for feminists. Susan Brownmiller, in her 1975 classic Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, charges Fanon not only with hating women but also with being personally confused and anguished, on account of this portion of the text. In this essay, I examine Fanon’s approach to theorizing white female negrophobia in light of (...)
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  49.  21
    Cultural industry in the age of post-truth democracy.Hauke Brunkhorst - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):28-42.
    The truth potential of art is realized not only by great art (of educated elites) but also by the cultural industry that has become the art of the masses. Great art and cultural industry do not only contradict one another but often interpenetrate and overlap subversively. Especially in critical periods of crisis (and revolution) great art and cultural industry go together with political action. However, in more counterrevolutionary periods as nowadays post-truth democracy, Adorno's gloomiest interpretation of the cultural industry becomes (...)
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  50.  7
    The structural transformation of the scientific public sphere: Constitution and consequences of the path towards open access.Leonhard Dobusch & Maximilian Heimstädt - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):216-238.
    We are currently witnessing a fundamental structural transformation of the scientific public sphere, characterized by processes of specialization, metrification, internationalization, platformization and visibilization. In contrast to explanations of this structural transformation that invoke a technological determinism, we demonstrate its historical contingency by drawing on analytic concepts from organization theory and the case of the Open Access transformation in Germany. The digitization of academic journals has not broadened access to scientific output but narrowed it down even further in the course of (...)
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  51.  26
    The platformization of the public sphere and its challenge to democracy.Renate Fischer & Otfried Jarren - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):200-215.
    Democracy depends on a vivid public sphere, where ideas disseminate into the public and can be discussed – and challenged - by everyone. Journalism has contributed significantly to this social mediation by reducing complexity, providing information on salient topics and (planned) political solutions. The digital transformation of the public sphere leads to new forms of media provision, distribution, and use. Journalism has struggled to adapt to the new conditions. Journalistic news values, relevant to democracy, are being replaced by ones relevant (...)
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  52.  8
    The proletarian public sphere revisited: Conceptual propositions on the structural transformation of publics in labour policy.Heiner Heiland, Martin Seeliger & Sebastian Sevignani - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):80-101.
    In this contribution, we argue that critical theories of the public sphere (in Habermas, but also in Negt and Kluge as well as Fraser) leave out the socially central field of labour and labour-political disputes, and that a reactualization and refocusing becomes necessary: We define the dynamics of globalization, commodification and digitalization as sequences of a renewed structural transformation of both social self-understanding and gainful employment. With the help of a multi-level model of labour-political publics and counter-publics, class mobilizations can (...)
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  53.  34
    Habermas and the mutations of the public sphere.Douglas Kellner - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):10-27.
    In this article, I argue that concern with the public sphere and the necessary conditions for a genuine democracy can be seen as a central theme of Jurgen Habermas's work that deserves respect and critical scrutiny in the contemporary moment, when throughout the world liberal democracies are in crisis. My study intends to point to the continuing importance of Habermas' problematic of the public sphere and its relevance for debates over democratic politics and social and cultural life in the present (...)
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  54.  9
    The public sphere in the mode of systematically distorted communication.Victor Kempf - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):43-65.
    The contemporary proliferation of “filter bubbles” and “echo chambers” seems to render obsolete the notion of a public sphere in the singular. In my article, I would like to argue against this view: Following Jürgen Habermas, “the public sphere” can be understood as the concomitant horizon of communicative action, while the latter permeates society as a whole. On the basis of this socio-philosophical approach, the omnipresent tendencies toward fragmentation appear as reactive attempts to ward off this socially established and context-transcending (...)
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  55.  10
    Capitalism and contested publicity. A conversation with Nancy Fraser.Victor Kempf & Sebastian Sevignani - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):66-79.
    Following a workshop on ‘Wildening the public sphere’ with Nancy Fraser at the Berlin Centre for Social Critique in June 2022, we had the chance to continue the discussion via Zoom in November 2022. We start by illuminating the relation between ‘subaltern counterpublics’ and the public-at-large, the rise of right-wing counterpublics and the impact of so-called ‘social media’ on the public sphere. That brings us to the question how publics are situated within capitalism, and how they are able to politicize (...)
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  56.  5
    Imagined publics – On the structural transformation of higher education and science. A post-Habermas perspective.Georg Krücken - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):141-158.
    Referring to Habermas’ groundbreaking book ‘The structural transformation of the public sphere’, the article discusses contemporary transformations of higher education and science. In order to do so, in a first step a post-Habermas perspective will be developed, which implies two changes to the theoretical foundations guiding Habermas’ analysis: On the one hand, we are in the midst of a social transformation that has led to a pluralization of the understandings of the public – that is, publics. The representation of society (...)
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  57. The platform economy’s infrastructural transformation of the public sphere: Facebook and Cambridge Analytica revisited.Anna-Verena Nosthoff & Felix Maschewski - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):178-199.
    From a socio-theoretical and media-theoretical perspective, this article analyses exemplary practices and structural characteristics of contemporary digital political campaigning to illustrate a transformation of the public sphere through the platform economy. The article first examines Cambridge Analytica and reconstructs its operational procedure, which, far from involving exceptionally new digital campaign practices, turns out to be quite standard. It then evaluates the role of Facebook as an enabling ‘affective infrastructure’, technologically orchestrating processes of political opinion-formation. Of special concern are various tactics (...)
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  58.  12
    Balancing the digital universe: Power and patterns in the new public sphere.Claudia Ritzi - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):159-177.
    From the viewpoint of Political Theory, digital technology presents both risks and opportunities for the democratic public sphere. Public discourse is now more complex and fragmented than ever before. Against this background, this paper uses the metaphor of a “communicative universe” to analyze the latest structural change of the public sphere. It emphasizes the significance of achieving a balance between different actors and powers in contemporary political discourse. Patterns in media communication can not only be identified but also influenced and (...)
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  59.  10
    When Twitter blocked Trump: The paradox, ambivalence and dialectic of digitalized publics.Martin Seeliger & Markus Baum - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):239-254.
    In our text, we follow the traces of a (1) paradox, (2) an ambivalence and (3) a dialectic that constitute digitalized public spheres and discuss the resulting tensions in discourse-ethical and political-theoretical perspectives using the blocking of Donald J. Trump’s Twitter account as an example. Starting from this, we determine the conditions of constitution of the digital public sphere and locate the dynamics of its development in the dialectical tension between private and public: The fact that the two other relations (...)
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  60.  14
    Hegemonic listening and doing memory on right-wing violence: Negotiating German political culture in public spheres.Tanja Thomas & Fabian Virchow - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):102-124.
    The first section of this chapter illustrates that the pogrom in Rostock-Lichtenhagen in 1992 has not been categorized sufficiently as a substantial milestone of right-wing violence in postwar Germany. This pogrom led to historically significant limitations in the right to asylum, ultimately resulting in a change to the German constitution. We propose to look at Rostock-Lichtenhagen as an example to explain that practices of remembering right-wing violence, a process that we describe with the term ‘Doing Memory on right-wing violence’, is (...)
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  61.  9
    The theory of the public sphere as a cognitive theory of modern society.Hans-Jörg Trenz - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):125-140.
    The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere is a key contribution to political philosophy, media history, democratic theory and political economy – published almost 60 years ago – that left a deep imprint on the process of democratic consolidation of the Federal Republic of Germany. At the same time, the Habermasian model of the public sphere was used to test out the possibilities of democratisation beyond the nation-state. The theory of the public sphere was, however, mainly discussed as a contribution (...)
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  62.  12
    Public sphere and global governance.Michael Zürn - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):255-277.
    This paper is about the effects of the absence and the possibility of the emergence of a normatively meaningful political public sphere. The effects of the lack of a global public sphere are far-reaching. Namely, the current crisis of global governance and the global political system can be traced back to the absence of a normatively meaningful public sphere that can mediate between global society and the authoritative institutions of global governance. At the same time, I argue that the absence (...)
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