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  1. An Immanent Critique of the Prison Nation.Eva Boodman - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):571-592.
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  2.  4
    Bergson’s Theory of War: A Study of Libido Dominandi.Michael R. Kelly & Brian T. Harding - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):593-611.
    Bergson scholars such as Leonard Lawlor, Alexander Lefebvre, Philip Soulez, and Frederic Worms have recently argued that Bergson “places the phenomenon of war at the center of his analysis” in Two Sources of Morality and Religion. We want to contribute to this line of interpretation. We claim that Bergson’s account of the causes of, and solution to, the problem of war can be effectively understood in light of a central tenet of classical political philosophy, namely, the City of God, both (...)
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  3.  2
    Beyond Eurocentrism: Trajectories Towards a Renewed Political and Social Theory.Ina Kerner - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):550-570.
    Over the last few years, the idea that we live in a globalized world has significantly gained ground. Across various disciplines, this had led to severe critiques not only of methodological nationalism, but also of methodological Eurocentrism. But what does it mean to leave Eurocentrism behind? What kind of theorizing can and should we engage in when we attempt to provincialize, decenter, or even decolonize our thinking? This article distinguishes, presents, and critically discusses four trajectories beyond Eurocentrism in political and (...)
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  4.  1
    Representation as a Political-Theological Concept: A Critique of Carl Schmitt.Alessandro Mulieri - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):507-527.
    In his 1923 work, Roman Catholicism and Political Form, Carl Schmitt claims that representation is a complexio oppositorum and incarnates a hierarchical form of political authority, which is alternative to liberalism. This article shows that Carl Schmitt’s interpretation of the political theology of representation is based on a misreading. Schmitt selectively overlooks some meanings of the theology of repraesentatio to build his decisionistic political agenda. An investigation of the original conceptual meanings of representation in Tertullian, the first Christian author who (...)
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  5.  1
    Bread, Dignity and Social Justice: Populism in the Arab World.Lisa Anderson - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):478-490.
    Although they produced vastly more turmoil, the uprisings in the Arab world shared many characteristics with other early 21st-century popular protests on both the left and the right, from Spain’s Indignados and Occupy Wall Street to the anti-elite votes for Brexit and Trump. The conviction that political elites and the states they rule, which were once responsible for welfare and development, now ignore and demean the interests and concerns of ordinary citizens takes many forms, but is virtually universal. The Arab (...)
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  6.  3
    The Populist Catharsis: On the Revival of the Political.Albena Azmanova - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):399-411.
    I argue that populism is not the cause of the erosion of diversity capital in contemporary democracies, it is its outcome. Focusing on the process of politicization of the social grievances articulated by populist parties and movements, I offer a diagnosis of the state of the political in contemporary democracies, in order to discern populism’s capacity to reboot democratic politics.
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  7.  5
    Reflections on Three Populisms.Akeel Bilgrami - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):453-462.
    Akeel Bilgrami’s paper considers the populist surges of our times in three countries: Trump’s America, Brexit Britain, and Modi’s India, distinguishing the special features of each, and philosophically and politically analyzing the relations that populism bears to both liberalism and the capitalist political economies of liberal-democratic societies.
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  8.  3
    Ad Hominem Argumentation in Politics.Murat Borovali - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):426-436.
    A healthy and robust public political culture is generally regarded as being of utmost necessity for the maintenance of a stable democratic environment. Especially when a country is facing significant challenges and is in the process of devising and implementing radical reforms, the presence of satisfactory collective deliberation can ensure durability and stability. This article will focus on one type of argumentation that stands in the way of such healthy deliberation. It will explore the various forms that ad hominem arguments (...)
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  9.  1
    Neoliberal Populism and Governmentality in Turkey: The Foundation of Communication Centers During the AKP Era.Cemil Boyraz - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):437-452.
    This article is based on the question “How does the current governing party in Turkey, namely Justice and Development Party, reproduce its social power?” In order to answer this question, it is suggested that a combination of the different techniques of governmentality of the ruling party should be analyzed, with particular reference to the policies and institutions reconfiguring the role of the state and the notion of public deliberation in the midst of the rising discontents of neoliberalism in Turkey. As (...)
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  10.  3
    How Turkey’s Repetitive Elections Affected the Populist Tone in the Discourses of the Justice and Development Party Leaders.Tuğçe Erçetin & Emre Erdoğan - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):382-398.
    Perceived uncertainty and anger lead people to investigate with respect to the establishment, and politicians who are seen as reckless within society. In this sense, populist discourse paved a way to respond by glorifying one group of people and scapegoating others that emerge as group differentiation. Critical moments especially illustrate mutual constructive identification through the discourse of political actors. This article explores a contextual change in the populist discourse of the Justice and Development Party leaders by observing the successive elections (...)
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  11.  6
    Can Political Liberalism Help Us Rescue “the People” From Populism?Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):463-477.
    Within the author’s long-term project of updating John Rawls’s paradigm of “political liberalism” to a historical context different from the original one, this paper focuses on how political liberalism can help us understand populism and help liberal democracy survive the populist upsurge. In the first section, political liberalism is argued to be of help in directing our attention to three constitutive aspects of all sorts of populism: the conflation of “the people” with the electorate and the electorate with the nation, (...)
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  12.  2
    Conspiracy Theories and Populist Narratives: On the Ruling Techniques of Egyptian Generals.Amr Hamzawy - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):491-504.
    Soon after the 2013 military coup, state-sponsored violence and human rights abuses have begun to shake Egyptian society. The regime of president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has attempted to rationalize them, claiming that this is the only path to save the most populous Middle Eastern country from civil unrest, terrorism, and economic decay. Al-Sisi, the former army chief during the 2013 coup, initially portrayed his ascendency to power as the only way to restore security and end the threat of terrorism. Egypt’s (...)
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  13.  2
    Populism and the Crisis of Liberalism.Volker Kaul - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):346-352.
    The article addresses the following question: if an extensive period of globalization and also democratization after the fall of the Berlin Wall has been followed by populism, does this mean that there is something wrong with liberalism itself? Must liberalism be substituted by alternative economic and political concepts? The article presents three alternatives to liberalism that are supposed to counter populism: a new communitarianism, a renewal of the democratic project as much as novel conceptions of social justice. However, it takes (...)
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  14. The Paradigms of Religious and Philosophical Plurality: The Return of “Spirituality” in China Today.Tiziana Lippiello - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):371-381.
    The beginning of the twentieth century marked the confutation and negation of traditional Chinese values by intellectuals, who thought that Confucianism, and in general traditional Chinese culture, had hindered scientific, economic, and social progress. Nonetheless, we are now witnessing a revival of the tradition, from a political and cultural perspective, aiming to address and provide resolutions to the contradictions and issues of contemporary societies. Which are the most valuable traditions in China today, and what is their impact on Chinese society? (...)
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  15. Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):345-345.
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  16.  5
    What is an Open Mind?Adam Adatto Sandel - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):360-370.
    In this article, I suggest that an open mind wholly unburdened by preconceptions and prejudgments is a mistaken ideal. Not only is it unrealistic; it deprives us of context and background knowledge relevant to judging well. I begin with two cases that show how the ideal of the “prejudice-free” mind, though appealing, may end up thwarting good judgment: blind assessment and “blank-slate” jury selection. I then trace the prejudice-free ideal to the Enlightenment, exposing its roots in the subject-object worldview. Drawing (...)
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  17.  14
    Populism, Liberalism, and Democracy.Michael J. Sandel - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):353-359.
    The right-wing populism ascendant today is a symptom of the failure of progressive politics. Central to this failure is the uncritical embrace of a neo-liberal version of globalization that benefits those at the top but leaves ordinary citizens feeling disempowered. Progressive parties are unlikely to win back public support unless they learn from the populist protest that has displaced them —not by replicating its xenophobia and strident nationalism, but by taking seriously the legitimate grievances with which these ugly sentiments are (...)
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  18.  3
    The Right to Be Right: Recognizing the Reasons of Those Who Are Wrong.Luigi Vero Tarca - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):412-425.
    Worldwide wisdom teaches, and philosophy demonstrates, that universally valid is only the perspective able to recognize everybody’s right to be treated in a just manner. From this point of view we have to recognize that all propositions are in some sense true, and hence that even those who are wrong are, from a particular point of view, right. Therefore, we have the duty to understand in which sense even populist stances are, at least in some sense, true. For instance, they (...)
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  19.  12
    Opposition Instead of Recognition: The Social Significance of “Determinations of Reflection” in Hegel’s Science of Logic.Arash Abazari - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):253-277.
    Axel Honneth reconstructs Hegel’s social and political philosophy on the basis of the concept of recognition. For Honneth, recognition is a constitutive relation between individuals that is in principle symmetrical. By conceiving recognition through symmetry, Honneth effectively bans the inclusion of power within recognitive relation. He thus regards the relations of power as cases of non-recognition or misrecognition. In this paper, I develop an alternative theory of the constitutive relation between individuals for Hegel, one that is based on the asymmetrical (...)
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  20.  4
    Normative Engagement Across Difference: Pragmatism, Dialogic Inclusion, and Social Practices.Clayton Chin - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):302-325.
    This article addresses the problem of inter-normative engagement, of constructing dialogical interaction across substantive normative difference. Focusing on how this affects democratic and pluralistic contexts, it argues that a social-practice-based approach to normativity and reasoning offers unique resources to understand and frame such encounters. It specifically draws on pragmatism and the work of Richard Rorty to reframe normativity, authority, identity, and reason, linking these understandings to recent trends to deliberative political inclusivism in democratic theory. The upshot is that framing inter-normative (...)
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  21.  2
    The Political Import of Wittgenstein’s Philosophical Investigations.Dimitris Gakis - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):229-252.
    The present article aims at investigating the political aspects of Wittgenstein’s later philosophy, focusing mainly on the Philosophical Investigations. This theme remains rather marginal within Wittgensteinian scholarship, facing the key challenge of the sparsity of explicit discussions of political issues in Wittgenstein’s writings. Based on the broader anthropological and synecdochic character of Wittgenstein’s later philosophy, the main objective of the article is to make explicit the implicit political import of some of the main themes of the Philosophical Investigations. This is (...)
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  22.  3
    Care and its Constraints: Will Care Work Pass Through Pettit’s Gate?Simon Laumann Jørgensen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):278-301.
    Welfare states are in a care crisis both in the sense of a practical care gap and in the new movement to limit care to mere rehabilitation. Few political theorists pay attention to these developments, and those who do say little about the potential limits to care. This article discusses Philip Pettit’s theory of social justice in relation to questions of public care provisions. Pettit’s theory has been praised by feminists for its attention to social injustices and because it highlights (...)
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  23.  4
    Emancipatory Advocacy: A Companion Ethics for Political Activism.Melissa A. Mosko - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):326-341.
    In this paper, I take up the challenge that political activism runs the risk of generating abstract freedoms for oppressed subjects and neglecting the effects of oppression on the development of subjectivity. I argue that a political activism in concert with a companion ethics of advocacy and listening is best positioned to improve the political and economic conditions of individuals as well as ensure that they are able to realize their freedom in meaningful action. In this paper I distinguish political (...)
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  24.  5
    Is It Enough to Just Say No to Nazis? Comments on Stephen White’s A Democratic Bearing.Simone Chambers - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):121-125.
    In this paper I pose two questions for Stephen White and his aspirational model of citizenship. The first is to ask what ethical sources do citizens need to oppose the presence of Nazis in our public sphere. The second is to question White’s deep suspicion of foundationalism and theism as sources of an open and democratic bearing and indeed as sources from which we can build strong opposition to Nazis.
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  25.  3
    Proprietors and Parasites: Dependence and the Power to Accumulate.Patrick J. L. Cockburn & Mikkel Thorup - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):179-199.
    This article introduces the idea of ‘dependence subtexts’ to explain how the stories that we encounter in property theory and public rhetoric function to make some actors appear ‘independent’, and thus capable of acquiring property in their own right, while making other actors appear ‘dependent’ and thus incapable of acquiring property. The argument develops the idea of ‘dependence subtexts’ out of the work of legal scholar Carol Rose and political theorist Carole Pateman, before using it as a tool for contrasting (...)
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  26.  6
    Committed Critical Theory: Some Thoughts on Stephen White’s A Democratic Bearing.Rainer Forst - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):126-130.
    In this article, I comment on Stephen White’s version of critical theory as presented in A Democratic Bearing. I specifically focus on his version of the “colonization thesis” and the social analysis this leads to. I also scrutinize his normative framework, especially the claim of non-foundationalism and the difference between his view and Kantian discourse theory.
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  27.  6
    Epistemic Injustice: A Role for Recognition?Paul Giladi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):141-158.
    My aim in this article is to propose that an insightful way of articulating the feminist concept of epistemic injustice can be provided by paying significant attention to recognition theory. The article intends to provide an account for diagnosing epistemic injustice as a social pathology and also attempts to paint a picture of some social cure of structural forms of epistemic injustice. While there are many virtues to the literature on epistemic injustice, epistemic exclusion and silencing, current discourse on diagnosing (...)
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  28.  4
    Citizenship for a New World.Sharon R. Krause - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):131-134.
    This paper highlights contributions of A Democratic Bearing, especially its conceptualization of domination and the demos, and argues that the liberal limitation of power is an important supplement to deliberative democracy in sustaining the ‘democratic bearing’ model of citizenship that the book calls for.
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  29.  9
    Ethics, Politics and the Transformative Possibilities of the Self in Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault.Lenka Ucnik - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):200-225.
    A wave of interest in Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault as bio-political thinkers was initiated by publication of Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer. The intellectual connection of these two figures is, however, broader than their bio-political considerations. Arendt and Foucault both offer detailed accounts of an ethico-political self. Both Arendt’s and Foucault’s later work explores the meaning of living ethically and politically. By examining the relationship between self, ethics and politics, I suggest there are two general points of convergence in Arendt (...)
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  30.  1
    Response to Comments.Stephen K. White - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):135-140.
    I reply to criticisms of my book, A Democratic Bearing: Admirable Citizens, Uneven Injustice and Critical Theory from Simone Chambers, Rainer Forst, and Sharon Krause.
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  31.  7
    Radical Ethical Naturalism.Tom Whyman - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):159-178.
    In this article, I identify – and clear up – two problems for contemporary neo-Aristotelian ethical naturalism. The first I call the problem of alienation; the second the problem of conservatism. I argue that these problems will persist, both for ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ forms of ethical naturalism, unless ethical naturalists adopt what I call ‘Practical Realism’ about essential human form. Such a Practical Realism leaves open the possibility of radical social and political criticism – I therefore suggest that contemporary ethical (...)
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  32.  3
    Aporias of Courage and the Freedom of Expression.Ejvind Hansen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):100-117.
    In this article we will suggest that the traditional account of the freedom of expression needs revision. The emergence of Internet media has shown that the traditional ideal of a plurality of voices does not in itself lead to fruitful public spheres. Inspired by Foucault’s interpretation of the Greek concept parrhesia we suggest that the plurality of voices should be supplemented with an ideal of courageous truth-telling. We will furthermore argue that the notion of courage has two dimensions that should (...)
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  33.  5
    Heidegger’s Radical Antisemitism.Jeff Love & Michael Meng - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):3-23.
    With the publication of Martin Heidegger’s Black Notebooks, it has become impossible to avoid Heidegger’s anti-Semitism. There has been the expected controversy with Heideggerians on the defensive and the philosopher’s detractors condemning his work outright. But there has been little serious exploration of the matter aside from several recent works. This article builds on this literature on Heidegger’s anti-Semitism and concludes that an anti-Semitic narrative lies at the heart of Heidegger’s history of the oblivion of Being as nihilism. Moreover, Heidegger (...)
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  34.  4
    What Brandom Won’T Make Explicit: On Habermas’s Critique of Brandom.Anna Michalska - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):41-60.
    In this contribution, I refer to a discussion between Jürgen Habermas and Robert Brandom on the latter’s normative pragmatics as advanced in Making it Explicit. Parting with Habermas, I intend to show that though both normative pragmatics and formal pragmatics postulate similar discursive ideals, the former, as compared with the latter, is not a particularly well-calibrated critical tool. I argue that whereas Brandom focuses on making conceptual norms explicit, and takes mutual recognition among participants to a linguistic practice for granted, (...)
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  35.  2
    Skepticism and Critique in Arendt and Cavell.Andrew Norris - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):81-99.
    In this article I compare and contrast Hannah Arendt’s and Stanley Cavell’s understandings of critique, focusing in each case upon the role played in it by skepticism. Both writers are decisively influenced by the later Heidegger’s thought that thinking as such is, first, the necessary turn to a practice adequate to our situation and, second, something that we shun. They also share the desire to take up this Heideggerian thought in Kantian terms: what is at stake is critical thinking. It (...)
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  36.  6
    Foucault, Nietzsche, and the Promise–Threat of Philology.Joseph Westfall - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):24-40.
    In this paper, I examine Foucault’s reading of Nietzsche—and Nietzsche’s influence on Foucault—in light of Foucault’s frequent treatment of Nietzsche as a certain kind of philologist. Running contrary to most contemporary readings of Nietzsche, which depict him as abandoning philology for philosophy relatively early on, I argue that Foucault understands Nietzsche’s distinctive philosophical style as indicative of a persistently philological approach to traditionally philosophical questions—and that this is a productive and valuable reading of Nietzsche, as well as a model for (...)
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  37.  5
    Content-Independence and Natural-Duty Theories of Political Obligation.Jiafeng Zhu - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):61-80.
    This paper contends that the requirement of content independence poses a pressing challenge to natural-duty theories of political obligation, for it is unclear why subjects of a state should not discharge the background natural duty in proper ways other than obeying the law. To demonstrate the force of this challenge, I examine and refute three argumentative strategies to achieve content independence represented in recent notable natural-duty theories: by appealing to the epistemic advantages of the state in discharging a natural duty, (...)
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  38.  11
    Normativism and Realism Within Contemporary Democratic Constitutionalism.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism:1-21.
    The renewed interest on political realism can offer a new reading of the traditional dichotomy between normative and realist conception of constitutionalism. The purpose of this article is to analyse this renewed discussion, especially by focusing on the relationship between “political realism” and “political constitutionalism,” in the light of some theorists and authors—such as Richard Bellamy and Jeremy Waldron. After a brief introduction in which political realism will be discussed, especially through Bernard Williams’ reinterpretation, the article proposes a rereading of (...)
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