Year:

  1.  3
    Fair Care: Elder Care and Distributive Justice.Elizabeth Brake - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):132-151.
    Caring relationships and material caregiving are politically significant goods that should be distributed according to principles of justice. I argue that, within Rawlsian liberalism, care should be considered a primary good and propose a third principle of justice requiring access to the social and legal supports of caring relationships. I examine what social and legal institutions supporting care might require, with particular attention to allowing the infirm elderly and persons with disabilities access to caring relationships. I propose the formation of (...)
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  2.  2
    Aggregating Out of Indeterminacy: Social Choice Theory to the Rescue.Brian Kogelmann - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):210-232.
    This article explores public reason liberalism’s indeterminacy problem, a problem that obtains when we admit significant diversity into our justificatory model. The article argues first that Gerald Gaus’s solution to the indeterminacy problem is unsatisfactory and second that, contra Gaus’s concerns, social choice theory is able to solve public reason’s indeterminacy problem. Moreover, social choice theory can do so in a way that avoids the worries raised against Gaus’s solution to the indeterminacy problem as well as the worries Gaus himself (...)
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  3.  5
    Children as Negative Externalities?Serena Olsaretti - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):152-173.
    Egalitarian theories assume, without defending it, the view that the costs of children should be shared between non-parents and parents. This standard position is called into question by the Parental Provision view. Drawing on the familiar idea that people should be held responsible for the consequences of their choices, the Parental Provision view holds that under certain conditions egalitarian justice requires parents to pay for the full costs of their children, as it would be unfair for non-parents to bear the (...)
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  4.  1
    Citizenship, Reciprocity, and the Gendered Division of Labor: A Stability Argument for Gender Egalitarian Political Interventions.Schouten Gina - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):174-209.
    Despite women’s increased labor force participation, household divisions of labor remain highly unequal. Properly implemented, gender egalitarian political interventions such as work time regulation, dependent care provisions, and family leave initiatives can induce families to share work more equally than they currently do. But do these interventions constitute legitimate uses of political power? In this article, I defend the political legitimacy of these interventions. Using the conception of citizenship at the heart of political liberalism, I argue that citizens would accept (...)
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  5.  2
    Fairness and Family Background.Bertil Tungodden, Erik Ø Sørensen, Kjell G. Salvanes, Alexander W. Cappelen & Ingvild Almås - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):117-131.
    Fairness preferences fundamentally affect individual behavior and play an important role in shaping social and political institutions. However, people differ both with respect to what they view as fair and with respect to how much weight they attach to fairness considerations. In this article, we study the role of family background in explaining these heterogeneities in fairness preferences. In particular, we examine how socioeconomic background relates to fairness views and to how people make trade-offs between fairness and self-interest. To study (...)
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  6.  3
    Symposium on Justice, the Family, and Public Policy.Andrew Williams - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (2):115-116.
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  7.  7
    When Bad Things Happen to Good People: Luck Egalitarianism and Costly Rescues.Andreas Albertsen & Jens Damgaard Thaysen - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):93-112.
    According to luck egalitarianism, it is not unfair when people are disadvantaged by choices they are responsible for. This implies that those who are disadvantaged by choices that prevent disadvantage to others are not eligible for compensation. This is counterintuitive. We argue that the problem such cases pose for luck egalitarianism reveals an important distinction between responsibility for creating disadvantage and responsibility for distributing disadvantage which has hitherto been overlooked. We develop and defend a version of luck egalitarianism which only (...)
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  8.  2
    Poverty, Partiality, and the Purchase of Expensive Education.Christopher Freiman - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):25-46.
    Prioritarianism doesn’t value equality as such – any reason to equalize is due to the benefits for the worse off. But some argue that prioritarianism and egalitarianism coincide in their implications for the distribution of education: Equalizing educational opportunities improves the socioeconomic opportunities of the worse off. More specifically, a system that prohibits parents from making differential private educational expenditures would result in greater gains to the worse off than a system that permits these expenditures, all else equal. This article (...)
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  9.  9
    Markets, Desert, and Reciprocity.Andrew Lister - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):47-69.
    This article traces John Rawls’s debt to Frank Knight’s critique of the ‘just deserts’ rationale for laissez-faire in order to defend justice as fairness against some prominent contemporary criticisms, but also to argue that desert can find a place within a Rawlsian theory of justice when desert is grounded in reciprocity. The first lesson Rawls took from Knight was that inheritance of talent and wealth are on a moral par. Knight highlighted the inconsistency of objecting to the inheritance of wealth (...)
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  10.  3
    Freedom, Money and Justice as Fairness.Blain Neufeld - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):70-92.
    The first principle of Rawls’s conception of justice secures a set of ‘basic liberties’ equally for all citizens within the constitutional structure of society. The ‘worth’ of citizens’ liberties, however, may vary depending upon their wealth. Against Rawls, Cohen contends that an absence of money often can directly constrain citizens’ freedom and not simply its worth. This is because money often can remove legally enforced constraints on what citizens can do. Cohen’s argument – if modified to apply to citizens’ ‘moral (...)
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  11.  2
    On Being Wronged and Being Wrong.Adam Slavny - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):3-24.
    If D commits a wrong against V, D typically incurs a corrective duty to V. But how should we respond if V has false beliefs about whether she is harmed by D’s wrong? There are two types of cases we must consider: those in which V is not harmed but she mistakenly believes that she is those in which V is harmed but she mistakenly believes that she is not. I canvass three views: The Objective View, The Subjective View and (...)
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