In response to scholarship which has shown that seventeenth-century Scottish scholasticism was influenced by John Duns Scotus (1265/66–1308), Jean-Pascal Anfray has argued that Scottish scholasticism was only indirectly influenced by Scotism, especially by Jesuit thinkers like Francisco Suárez (1548–1618), using the Aberdeen Doctor James Sibbald (1595–1647) and his theory of the body-soul composite as a litmus test. In reply to Anfray’s claims, this article undertakes three interconnected tasks. First, it renews calls for philosophical Scotism to be defined according to a (...) principles-based approach focusing on Scotus’s metaphysics of essence in contrast to a quasi-falsificationist approach. Second, it shows how Sibbald adopts the Scotist metaphysics of essence over the very different Suárezian metaphysics of essence. Third, it demonstrates how Sibbald endorses Scotus’s qualified pluralism in accounting for the body-soul composite. Sibbald thus turns out to be more directly Scotist (and less Suárezian) than first thought. (shrink)

As a leading judge of seventeenth century Scotland, Viscount Stair (1619−1695) was a significant public figure in the immediate period before the Scottish Enlightenment. Indeed, he offers a vital but often overlooked insight into the intellectual life of Scotland during his lifetime. However, as Stair never published anything specifically on moral philosophy, this article asks if it is possible to reconstruct a moral theory on his behalf based on his printed legal and theological works. On the assumption that this is (...) feasible, this article examines how Stair’s moral theory relates to the Scottish variant of natural jurisprudence. In response to these questions, the analysis offered here argues that one can constructure answers to central questions of moral philosophy from Stair’s printed works, and further that it is possible to classify his moral theory as an early example of Scottish natural jurisprudence. Although there are acknowledged challenges in reconstructing his moral theory, it is suggested by the argument below that, to fully grasp the intellectual life of seventeenth century Scotland, we may need to engage more deeply with the theological works of seventeenth century Scots as well as adopt resourceful methods to build a picture of seventeenth century ideas relating to morality. (shrink)

Two seventeeth-century Scottish Catholic philosophers, Robert Balfour and William Chalmers, are introduced and their accounts of the metaphysics of the Eucharist are discussed. Their ideas are largely in terms of the Aristotelian concepts of substance, accident and inherence, with special attention paid to the idea that the essence of an accident is not its actual inherence (that is, its act of inhering) in a substance but its aptness for inherence in a substance. Balfour appears to accept this (Thomist) doctrine. But (...) Chalmers has a different story to tell. He holds that the essence of an accident is not its actual inherence or its power to inhere (which includes its aptness for inherence), but instead belongs to what he terms the ‘root and basis’ of that power. I speculate briefly about a possible Scotistic interpretation of his words. (shrink)

In recent years evidence has emerged of the considerable influence of Scotist metaphysics on the Reformed scholasticism of the seventeenth century. One of the figures often named in connection with this Scotist revival is Samuel Rutherford (1600–61), who was one of the most important Scottish theologians of the seventeenth century. Focussing on Rutherford’s maximalist doctrine of providence, this article demonstrates his profound debt to key Scotist philosophical devices. In structuring these concepts, however, it is demonstrated that Rutherford is influenced not (...) so much by Scotus directly but rather much more by the modified Scotism of Thomas Bradwardine, the fourteenth-century Augustinian theologian. In particular, Bradwardine is revealed as the key influence on Rutherford’s modal theory and his sophisticated account of divine concourse. The paper concludes by arguing that Bradwardine’s influence on Rutherford suggests the need to take a broader view of the late medieval influence on Reformed scholasticism than is currently the case. (shrink)

Archibald Pitcairne’s medical writings are inspired by Newton’s Principia mathematica, as the Scottish physician assumed Newtonian physics as a model for scientific inquiry that should be applied to other branches of natural philosophy, including physiology and pathology. The ideal of a comprehensive mathematical science was very appealing to late seventeenth-century intellectuals, including physicians. This essay focuses on how Pitcairne tried to implement these ideas. In particular, I argue that Pitcairne’s medical thinking is based on three philosophical assumptions: first, a methodological (...) assumption, for which medical knowledge should be sought in the form of a deductive system; second, an epistemological assumption, that is, that our knowledge of physiological processes is sound only when we reduce them to a set of mathematical laws; and, third, an ontological assumption that identifies blood as the substance on which animal life most directly depends. I also suggest that such ideas should be studied against the backdrop of Pitcairne’s general mindset, including his personal sympathy for political conservativism. I further argue that his insistence on the reduction of natural processes to mathematical relations and his search for the universal order of nature also connect to his religious and political ideals. (shrink)

This paper will explore how being a Newtonian scientist affected the formation of Thomas Reid’s philosophy and theism. Reid, like other Newtonian scientists, found evidence of God in his understanding nature and the limitations of science. Reid introduced the Newtonian scientific method into his philosophical speculations to establish his system. Focusing on the application of the ‘Newtonian method’ he employed, this paper examines the development of Reid’s philosophy and points out that one of the origins of his theism was his (...) mastery of Newtonian science and its methodology. (shrink)

In The Human Condition, Hanna Arendt explained the rise of the social realm during the early modern period from the ancient dichotomy between the public and the private domains. For her, the rise was relevant to the establishment of political economy. This establishment was also linked with the intellectual change of a non-Western region. When Japanese intellectuals began importing Western political economy, they confronted a problem of how to fit that science to the Japanese situation, which they saw as having (...) no public realm composed of equal citizens. Although scholars have studied the reception of political economy in Japan, how the intellectuals transformed their understanding of society remains a research gap. I argue that some intellectuals in Japan thought that in order to provide space for the concept of political economy, they needed to create both a public and a social realm, and this caused some tension – a tension different from that in the European context. Indeed, Japanese people had a unique reception of Adam Smith’s political economy. Especially after Westernization (or the Meiji Restoration) began in 1868, the concept of political economy began to spread throughout Japan. Yukichi Fukuzawa (1835–1901), the most influential Enlightenment thinker in the Meiji era, denied the traditional, neo-Confucian view of economics and declared that the pursuit of wealth should be the goal of society; he thus introduced space for the concept of political economy into Japan. This space was regarded as troublesome, and Shigeki Nishimura (1828–1902), an advocate of national morality, challenged the concept, arguing that society should be based on ethics, not on the pursuit of wealth. (shrink)

For the first time, in Hume and Smith, ‘sympathy’ occupies a central position as the principle of moral judgment. The key to solving the relationship between sympathy and economic thought lies in the theory of justice. Hume and Smith inherited Hutcheson’s criticism of the Hobbesian selfish system and considered humans selfish and social. For both, the relationship between selfishness and sympathy is neither a contradiction nor a subordinate structure in which selfishness ultimately dominates sympathy. In this joint project, Hume’s institutional (...) utilitarianism could justify Smith’s economic theories and provide Smith’s theory of government with a proper philosophical foundation. I argue that this is particularly significant because Smith himself failed to provide the foundation in areas where the idea of public utility plays a vital role, such as in the critical case of national defence and the decline of martial spirit. (shrink)

The idea of social improvement, including the concept of ‘reciprocity’, had substantially been developed in the Anglo-Irish trade disputes since the late seventeenth century. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, however, commentators became more sceptical of ‘reciprocity’. The Irish reception of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations must be situated in this historical context, and the article explores the implications of the relevant discourses for John Robertson's concept of Enlightenment. Like in Scotland, ‘improvement’ was considered significant in eighteenth-century Ireland. Nevertheless, (...) political economy played different roles in the two nations because of their different political systems and circumstances. Many, including Adam Smith, believed that political and constitutional, rather than economic, reforms would be more crucial to improving Irish society. (shrink)