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  1.  11
    A European Republic of Sovereign States: Sovereignty, Republicanism and the European Union.Richard Bellamy - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):188-209.
    This article defends state sovereignty as necessary for a form of popular sovereignty capable of realising the republican value of non-domination and argues it remains achievable and normatively warranted in an interconnected world. Many scholars, including certain republicans, contend that the external sovereignty of states can no longer be maintained or justified in such circumstances. Consequently, we must abandon the sovereignty of states and reconceive popular sovereignty on a different basis. Some argue sovereignty must be displaced upwards to a more (...)
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  2.  5
    The Social Construction of Demoicracy in the European Union.Francis Cheneval & Kalypso Nicolaidis - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):235-260.
    The Eurozone crisis has brought the imperative of democratic autonomy within the EU to the forefront, a concern at the core of demoicratic theory. The article seeks to move the scholarship on demoicratic theory a step further by exploring what we call the social construction of demoicratic reality. While the EU’s legal-institutional infrastructure may imperfectly approximate a demoicratic structure, we need ask to what extent the ‘bare bones’ demoicratic character of a polity can actually be grounded in a full-flesh social (...)
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  3.  2
    Introduction: Normative Dimensions of the European Crisis.Ronzoni Miriam & Viehoff Juri - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):139-142.
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  4.  5
    The European Union as a Demoicracy: Really a Third Way?Miriam Ronzoni - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):210-234.
    Should the EU be a federal union or an intergovernmental forum? Recently, demoicrats have been arguing that there exists a third alternative. The EU should be conceived as a demoicracy, namely a ‘Union of peoples who govern together, but not as one’. The demoi of Europe recognise that they affect one another’s democratic health, and hence establish a union to guarantee their freedom qua demoi – which most demoicrats cash out as non-domination. This is more than intergovernmentalism, because the demoi (...)
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  5.  7
    Non-Discrimination, in-Work Benefits, and Free Movement in the EU.Andrea Sangiovanni - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):143-163.
    The Cameron government has recently negotiated a deal with the EU which permits the UK to restrict access to in-work benefits for recent EU migrants in the first four years of residence. Withdrawing access to in-work benefits will lead to significant inequalities in pay between British workers and their EU equivalents working at the same job, in the same general situation. The proposal has been widely decried as discriminatory. Is it? I do not, in this article, ask the legal question: (...)
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  6.  8
    Maximum Convergence on a Just Minimum: A Pluralist Justification for European Social Policy.Juri Viehoff - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):164-187.
    There is widespread agreement that the European Union is presently suffering from a lack of social justice. Yet there is significant disagreement about what the relevant injustice consists in: Federalists believe the EU can only remedy its justice deficit through the introduction of direct interpersonal transfers between people living in separate states. Intergovernmentalists believe the justice-related purpose of the EU is to enable states to cooperate fairly, and to remain internally just and democratic in the face of increased global pressure (...)
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  7.  67
    Locke, Natural Law and Civil Peace: Reply to Tate.Paul Bou-Habib - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory:1474885116650422.
    In this comment, I reply to two objections John Tate raises against my discussion of the trajectory of Locke's ideas on toleration Tate maintains that I misunderstand the role of natural law and civil peace in Locke's thought. I defend my interpretation of the role of natural law and show that Tate is mistaken in his claim that Locke's concern to preserve civil peace conflicted with his separate concern to protect individual rights.
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