Year:

  1.  2
    What’s It Got to Do with the Price of Bread? Condorcet and Grouchy on Freedom and Unreasonable Laws in Commerce.Sandrine Bergès - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):432-448.
    István Hont identified a point in the history of political thought at which republicanism and commercialism became separated. According to Hont, Emmanuel Sieyès proposed that a monarchical republic should be formed. By contrast the Jacobins, in favour of a republic led by the people, rejected not only Sieyès’s political proposal, but also the economic ideology that went with it. Sieyès was in favour of a commercial republic; the Jacobins were not. This was, according to Hont, a defining moment in the (...)
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  2.  14
    What is Conservatism? History, Ideology and Party.Richard Bourke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):449-475.
    Is there a political philosophy of conservatism? A history of the phenomenon written along sceptical lines casts doubt on the existence of a transhistorical doctrine, or even an enduring conservative outlook. The main typologies of conservatism uniformly trace its origins to opposition to the French Revolution. Accordingly, Edmund Burke is standardly singled out as the ‘father’ of this style of politics. Yet Burke was de facto an opposition Whig who devoted his career to assorted programmes of reform. In restoring Burke (...)
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  3.  7
    Arsehole Aristocracy.Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):391-410.
    The 18th-century French political theorist the Baron de Montesquieu described honour as the ‘principle’ – or animating force – of a well-functioning monarchy, which he thought the appropriate regime type for an economically unequal society extended over a broad territory. Existing literature often presents this honour in terms of lofty ambition, the desire for preference and distinction, a spring for political agency or a spur to the most admirable kind of conduct in public life and the performance of great deeds. (...)
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  4.  2
    Theorising Commercial Society: Rousseau, Smith and Hont.Robin Douglass - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):501-511.
    In his posthumously published lectures, Politics in Commercial Society, István Hont argues that Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Adam Smith should be understood as theorists of commercial society. This article challenges Hont’s interpretation of both thinkers and shows that some of his key claims depend on conflating the terms ‘commercial society’ and ‘commercial sociability’. I argue that, for Smith, commercial society should not be defined in terms of the moral psychology of commercial sociability, before questioning Hont’s Epicurean interpretation of Smith’s theory of (...)
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  5. Rousseau on Refined Epicureanism and the Problem of Modern Liberty.Jared Holley - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):411-431.
    This article argues that in order to understand the form of modern political freedom envisioned by Rousseau, we have to understand his theory of taste as refined Epicureanism. Rousseau saw the division of labour and corrupt taste as the greatest threats to modern freedom. He identified their cause in the spread of vulgar Epicureanism – the frenzied pursuit of money, vanity and sexual gratification. In its place, he advocated what he called ‘the Epicureanism of reason’, or refined Epicureanism. Materially grounded (...)
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  6.  5
    István Hont and Political Theory.Paul Sagar - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):476-500.
    This article explores the relevance of the work of Cambridge historian of political thought István Hont to contemporary political theory. Specifically, it suggests that Hont’s work can be of great help to the recent realist revival in political theory, in particular via its lending support to the account favoured by Bernard Williams, which has been a major source for recent realist work. The article seeks to make explicit the main political theoretic implications of Hont’s historically-focused work, which in their original (...)
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  7.  5
    Introduction: ‘István Hont as Political Theorist’.Paul Sagar & Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):387-390.
    István Hont understood his work excavating the structure of 18th century debates as a contribution to contemporary political thinking. This special issue begins to explore some of the avenues he opened.
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  8. Can Deliberation Neutralise Power?Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):257-279.
    Most democratic theorists agree that concentrations of wealth and power tend to distort the functioning of democracy and ought to be countered wherever possible. Deliberative democrats are no exception: though not its only potential value, the capacity of deliberation to ‘neutralise power’ is often regarded as ‘fundamental’ to deliberative theory. Power may be neutralised, according to many deliberative democrats, if citizens can be induced to commit more fully to the deliberative resolution of common problems. If they do, they will be (...)
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  9.  2
    Toleration and Groups.Peter Balint - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):375-384.
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  10.  17
    Toleration and Groups.Peter Balint - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):147488511666111.
  11.  11
    Culture, Neutrality and Minority Rights.Aurélia Bardon - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):1474885115596694.
    Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition offers a new and powerful argument to support the ‘strong cultural rights thesis’. Unlike other culturalist arguments, his argument is not based on a problematic and essentialist conception of culture but on a particular understanding of liberal neutrality as fair treatment and equal recognition. What justifies the existence of such rights is not culture itself but what culture means for people and the negative consequences it can have for them when they form a cultural minority. Patten’s (...)
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  12.  2
    Culture, Neutrality and Minority Rights.Aurélia Bardon - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):364-374.
    Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition offers a new and powerful argument to support the ‘strong cultural rights thesis’. Unlike other culturalist arguments, his argument is not based on a problematic and essentialist conception of culture but on a particular understanding of liberal neutrality as fair treatment and equal recognition. What justifies the existence of such rights is not culture itself but what culture means for people and the negative consequences it can have for them when they form a cultural minority. Patten’s (...)
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  13.  1
    From Gay Liberation to Marriage Equality: A Political Lesson to Be Learnt.Mariano Croce - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):280-299.
    This article deals with the issue of resignification to advance a hypothesis on the way in which social practices are transformed with recourse to the language of institutions. It first discusses the transition from gay liberation to same-sex marriage equality by exploring the trajectory of homosexuals’ rights claims. The article continues by providing a theoretical interpretation of what brought this shift about, that is, what the author calls a movement ‘from the street to the court’: in both civil law and (...)
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  14.  9
    From Gay Liberation to Marriage Equality: A Political Lesson to Be Learnt.Mariano Croce - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):1474885115581425.
    This article deals with the issue of resignification to advance a hypothesis on the way in which social practices are transformed with recourse to the language of institutions. It first discusses the transition from gay liberation to same-sex marriage equality by exploring the trajectory of homosexuals’ rights claims. The article continues by providing a theoretical interpretation of what brought this shift about, that is, what the author calls a movement ‘from the street to the court’: in both civil law and (...)
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  15.  2
    Self-Censorship for Democrats.Matthew Festenstein - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):324-342.
    On the face of it, self-censorship is profoundly subversive of democracy, particularly in its talk-centric forms, and undermines the culture of openness and publicity on which it relies. This paper has two purposes. The first is to develop a conception of self-censorship that allows us to capture what is distinctive about the concept from a political perspective and which allows us to understand the democratic anxiety about self-censorship: if it is not obvious that biting our tongues is always wrong, we (...)
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  16.  7
    Self-Censorship for Democrats.Matthew Festenstein - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):1474885115587480.
    On the face of it, self-censorship is profoundly subversive of democracy, particularly in its talk-centric forms, and undermines the culture of openness and publicity on which it relies. This paper has two purposes. The first is to develop a conception of self-censorship that allows us to capture what is distinctive about the concept from a political perspective and which allows us to understand the democratic anxiety about self-censorship: if it is not obvious that biting our tongues is always wrong, we (...)
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  17.  1
    Surveillance, Freedom and the Republic.J. Matthew Hoye & Jeffrey Monaghan - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):343-363.
    Arbitrary state and corporate powers are helping to turn the Internet into a global surveillance dragnet. Responses to this novel form of power have been tepid and ineffective. Liberal critiques of surveillance are constrained by their focus on privacy, security and the underlying presupposition that freedom consists only of freedom from interference. By contrast, Foucauldian critiques rejecting liberalism have been well rewarded analytically, but have proven incapable of addressing normative questions regarding the relationship between surveillance and freedom. Quite apart from (...)
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  18.  11
    Surveillance, Freedom and the Republic.J. Matthew Hoye & Jeffrey Monaghan - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):1474885115608783.
    Arbitrary state and corporate powers are helping to turn the Internet into a global surveillance dragnet. Responses to this novel form of power have been tepid and ineffective. Liberal critiques of surveillance are constrained by their focus on privacy, security and the underlying presupposition that freedom consists only of freedom from interference. By contrast, Foucauldian critiques rejecting liberalism have been well rewarded analytically, but have proven incapable of addressing normative questions regarding the relationship between surveillance and freedom. Quite apart from (...)
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  19.  1
    Human Development and Alienation in the Thought of Karl Marx.Paul Raekstad - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):300-323.
    Marx's theory of alienation is of great importance to contemporary political developments, due both to the re-emergence of anti-capitalist struggle in Zapatismo, 21st Century Socialism, and the New Democracy Movement, and to the fact that the most important theorists of these movements single out Marx's theory of alienation as critical to their concerns. Despite this renewed practical and theoretical interest, however, these and other writers have been sparing in their accounts of the normative components which the theory of alienation incorporates. (...)
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  20.  14
    The Impartiality of Smith’s Spectator: The Problem of Parochialism and the Possibility of Social Critique.David Golemboski - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):1474885115572921.
    Amartya Sen has argued that contractarian theories of justice inevitably fall victim to the problem of parochialism, for the reason that they rely on a problematically narrow conception of impartiality. Sen finds a corrective model of impartiality in Adam Smith’s figure of the impartial spectator. In this essay, I argue that Sen’s invocation of the spectator to resolve the problem of parochialism is unfounded, as the impartial spectator is fundamentally a product of socialization that serves to propagate conventional moral norms. (...)
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  21.  4
    The Impartiality of Smith’s Spectator: The Problem of Parochialism and the Possibility of Social Critique.David Golemboski - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):174-193.
    Amartya Sen has argued that contractarian theories of justice inevitably fall victim to the problem of parochialism, for the reason that they rely on a problematically narrow conception of impartiality. Sen finds a corrective model of impartiality in Adam Smith’s figure of the impartial spectator. In this essay, I argue that Sen’s invocation of the spectator to resolve the problem of parochialism is unfounded, as the impartial spectator is fundamentally a product of socialization that serves to propagate conventional moral norms. (...)
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  22.  16
    Emile the Citizen? A Reassessment of the Relationship Between Private Education and Citizenship in Rousseau’s Political Thought.Bjorn Gomes - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):1474885115589587.
    It is often said that the claims of man and citizen are irreconcilable in the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. This view, most famously articulated by Judith Shklar, holds that the making of a man and the making of a citizen are to be understood as rival enterprises or competing alternatives. This reading has recently been challenged by Frederick Neuhouser. He argues that one can make a man and a citizen, but only if the education of each is performed in the (...)
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  23.  7
    Emile the Citizen? A Reassessment of the Relationship Between Private Education and Citizenship in Rousseau’s Political Thought.Bjorn Gomes - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):194-213.
    It is often said that the claims of man and citizen are irreconcilable in the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. This view, most famously articulated by Judith Shklar, holds that the making of a man and the making of a citizen are to be understood as rival enterprises or competing alternatives. This reading has recently been challenged by Frederick Neuhouser. He argues that one can make a man and a citizen, but only if the education of each is performed in the (...)
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  24.  20
    Rousseau on the Ground of Obligation: Reconsidering the Social Autonomy Interpretation.Rafeeq Hasan - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):1474885115599893.
    In Rousseau’s Social Contract, political laws are rationally binding because they satisfy the interests that motivate individuals to obey such laws. The later books of Emile justify morality by showing that it is continuous with the natural dispositions of a well-brought-up subject and is thus conducive to genuine happiness. In both the moral and political cases, Rousseau argues for an internal connection between the rational ground of an obligation and the broader aspects of human psychology that are satisfied and expressed (...)
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  25.  8
    Rousseau on the Ground of Obligation: Reconsidering the Social Autonomy Interpretation.Rafeeq Hasan - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):233-243.
    In Rousseau’s Social Contract, political laws are rationally binding because they satisfy the interests that motivate individuals to obey such laws. The later books of Emile justify morality by showing that it is continuous with the natural dispositions of a well-brought-up subject and is thus conducive to genuine happiness. In both the moral and political cases, Rousseau argues for an internal connection between the rational ground of an obligation and the broader aspects of human psychology that are satisfied and expressed (...)
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  26.  13
    Sufficiency and Freedom in Locke’s Theory of Property.Daniel M. Layman - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):152-173.
    It is traditional to ascribe to Locke the view that every person who acquires natural property rights by labouring on resources is obligated to leave sufficient resources for everyone else. But during the last several decades, a number of authors have contributed to a compelling textual case against this reading. Nevertheless, Locke clearly indicates that there is something wrong with distributions in which some suffer while others thrive. But if he does not endorse the traditional proviso, what exactly is the (...)
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  27.  26
    The Labour Republicans and the Classical Republican Tradition: Alex Gourevitch’s From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth.Frank Lovett - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):1474885115602843.
    Alex Gourevitch’s From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth is a valuable contribution to republican historiography: in reconstructing the ideas of the 19th century American labour republicans, this work significantly expands and enriches our appreciation of the classical republican tradition. While the labour republicans are convincingly shown to have made important contributions to that tradition, stronger claims that they fundamentally transformed republicanism are less persuasive.
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  28.  5
    The Labour Republicans and the Classical Republican Tradition: Alex Gourevitch’s From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth.Frank Lovett - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):244-253.
    Alex Gourevitch’s From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth is a valuable contribution to republican historiography: in reconstructing the ideas of the 19th century American labour republicans, this work significantly expands and enriches our appreciation of the classical republican tradition. While the labour republicans are convincingly shown to have made important contributions to that tradition, stronger claims that they fundamentally transformed republicanism are less persuasive.
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  29.  12
    Humility and Humanity: Machiavelli's Rejection and Appropriation of a Christian Ideal.Ashleen Menchaca-Bagnulo - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):147488511557714.
    Though Machiavelli is famous for advising the mere ‘appearance’ of certain Christian and classical virtues, Machiavellian virtù inherits the legacy of the Christian virtue of humility, a virtue that is not present in pagan Roman accounts of heroism. I am not contending that Machiavelli is a Christian nor that he is continuing a Christian principle. Rather, I am asserting in this article that Machiavelli secularises the distinctly Christian virtue of humility, particularly in its affinity with the virtue of compassion, and (...)
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  30.  5
    Humility and Humanity: Machiavelli's Rejection and Appropriation of a Christian Ideal.Ashleen Menchaca-Bagnulo - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):131-151.
    Though Machiavelli is famous for advising the mere ‘appearance’ of certain Christian and classical virtues, Machiavellian virtù inherits the legacy of the Christian virtue of humility, a virtue that is not present in pagan Roman accounts of heroism. I am not contending that Machiavelli is a Christian nor that he is continuing a Christian principle. Rather, I am asserting in this article that Machiavelli secularises the distinctly Christian virtue of humility, particularly in its affinity with the virtue of compassion, and (...)
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  31.  16
    On Political Responsibility in Post-Revolutionary Times: Kant and Constant's Debate on Lying.Geneviève Rousselière - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):1474885115588100.
    In “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy,” Kant holds the seemingly untenable position that lying is always prohibited, even if the lie is addressed to a murderer in an attempt to save the life of an innocent man. This article argues that Kant's position on lying should be placed back in its original context, namely a response to Benjamin Constant about the responsibility of individual agents toward political principles in post-revolutionary times. I show that Constant's theory of political (...)
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  32.  2
    On Political Responsibility in Post-Revolutionary Times: Kant and Constant's Debate on Lying.Geneviève Rousselière - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (2):214-232.
    In “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy,” Kant holds the seemingly untenable position that lying is always prohibited, even if the lie is addressed to a murderer in an attempt to save the life of an innocent man. This article argues that Kant's position on lying should be placed back in its original context, namely a response to Benjamin Constant about the responsibility of individual agents toward political principles in post-revolutionary times. I show that Constant's theory of political (...)
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  33.  21
    Rights, Citizenship and Political Struggle.Guy Aitchison - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115578052.
    This paper adds a new perspective to recent debates about the political nature of rights through attention to their distinctive role within social movement practices of moral critique and social struggle. The paper proceeds through a critical examination of the Political Constitutionalist theories of rights politics proposed by Jeremy Waldron and Richard Bellamy. While political constitutionalists are correct to argue that rights are ‘contestable’ and require democratic justification, they construe political activity almost exclusively with reference to voting, parties and parliamentary (...)
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  34.  11
    Why Not.Edward Hall - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115595805.
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  35.  4
    Why Not.Edward Hall - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):109-117.
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  36.  25
    Plural Voting and Political Equality: A Thought Experiment in Democratic Theory.Trevor Latimer - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115591344.
    I demonstrate that a set of well-known objections defeat John Stuart Mill’s plural voting proposal, but do not defeat plural voting as such. I adopt the following as a working definition of political equality: a voting system is egalitarian if and only if departures from a baseline of equally weighted votes are normatively permissible. I develop an alternative proposal, called procedural plural voting, which allocates plural votes procedurally, via the free choices of the electorate, rather than according to a substantive (...)
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  37.  12
    The Moving Global Everest: A New Challenge to Global Ideal Theory as a Necessary Compass.Shmuel Nili - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):87-108.
    I present a new challenge to the Rawlsian insistence on ideal theory as a compass orienting concrete policy choices. My challenge, focusing on global politics, consists of three claims. First, I contend that our global ideal can become more ambitious over time. Second, I argue that Rawlsian ideal theory’s level of ambition might change because of concrete policy choices, responding to moral failures which can be identified and resolved without ideal theory. Third, I argue that we currently face such potentially (...)
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  38.  23
    How Social Democrats May Become Reluctant Radicals: Thomas Piketty's Capital and Wolfgang Streeck's Buying Time.Miriam Ronzoni - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115601602.
    The continuing ramifications of the financial crisis of 2007–2008 have forced social scientists to raise fundamental questions about the relationship between capitalism, democracy and inequality. In particular, Thomas Piketty’s Capital and Wolfgang Streeck’s Buying Time focus on, respectively, the economic and the political contradictions of capitalistic societies. Piketty argues that capitalism naturally tends towards the exacerbation of rent-based wealth inequality, whereas Streeck suggests that capitalism and democracy are ultimately incompatible. A striking feature of these two contributions is that their authors (...)
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  39.  7
    How Social Democrats May Become Reluctant Radicals: Thomas Piketty's Capital and Wolfgang Streeck's Buying Time.Miriam Ronzoni - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):118-127.
    The continuing ramifications of the financial crisis of 2007–2008 have forced social scientists to raise fundamental questions about the relationship between capitalism, democracy and inequality. In particular, Thomas Piketty’s Capital and Wolfgang Streeck’s Buying Time focus on, respectively, the economic and the political contradictions of capitalistic societies. Piketty argues that capitalism naturally tends towards the exacerbation of rent-based wealth inequality, whereas Streeck suggests that capitalism and democracy are ultimately incompatible. A striking feature of these two contributions is that their authors (...)
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  40.  27
    The Two Faces of Domination in Republican Political Theory.Michael J. Thompson - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115580352.
    I propose a theory of domination derived from republican political theory that is in contrast to the neo-republican theory of domination as arbitrary interference and domination as dependence. I suggest that, drawing on of the writings of Machiavelli and Rousseau, we can see two faces of domination that come together to inform social relations. One type of domination is extractive dominance where agents are able to derive surplus benefit from another individual, group, or collective resource, natural or human. Another is (...)
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  41.  12
    The Democratic Boundary Problem and Social Contract Theory.Marco Verschoor - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115572922.
    How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary problem in democratic theory, social contract theory’s potential for solving it has largely been ignored. In fact, contract views are premised on the assumption of a given people and so presuppose what requires legitimization: the existence of a demarcated group of individuals materializing, as it were, from nowhere and whose members agree among (...)
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  42.  5
    The Democratic Boundary Problem and Social Contract Theory.Marco Verschoor - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):3-22.
    How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary problem in democratic theory, social contract theory’s potential for solving it has largely been ignored. In fact, contract views are premised on the assumption of a given people and so presuppose what requires legitimization: the existence of a demarcated group of individuals materializing, as it were, from nowhere and whose members agree among (...)
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