Year:

  1.  70
    Mary Astell on Marriage and Lockean Slavery.Jacqueline Broad - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (4):717–38.
    In the 1706 third edition of her Reflections upon Marriage, Mary Astell alludes to John Locke’s definition of slavery in her descriptions of marriage. She describes the state of married women as being ‘subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, Arbitrary Will of another Man’ (Locke, Two Treatises, II.22). Recent scholars maintain that Astell does not seriously regard marriage as a form of slavery in the Lockean sense. In this paper, I defend the contrary position: I argue that Astell does seriously (...)
    Direct download (2 more)  
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  2. As If They Could Be Brought to Account: How Athenians Managed the Political Unaccountability of Citizens.F. Abdel-Nour & B. Cook - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):436-457.
    The political unaccountability of ordinary citizens in classical Athens was originally raised as a challenge by ancient critics of democracy. In tension with that criticism, the authors argue that attention to the above challenge is consistent with a defence of Athenian democratic politics. In fact, ordinary citizens' function in the Assembly and courts implicitly included the burden of justifying their own political decisions to an imagined authority, as if they could be brought to account. Byeans of practices that encouraged this (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  3.  48
    Constitutional Self-Government and Nationalism: Hobbes, Locke and George Lawson.E. Alexander-Davey - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):458-484.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the peculiarly abstract theory of popular sovereignty of Locke and his twentieth-century intellectual descendants obscures a crucial relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through a Hobbesian and Filmerian critique of Locke and an examination of the political writings of George Lawson , the article shows the necessary connections between popular sovereignty, constitutionalism and a form of national consciousness that renders concrete the otherwise abstract and airy notion (...)
    Direct download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  4. Liberalism as Ideology: Essays in Honour of Michael Freeden. [REVIEW]R. Ballingall - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):589-593.
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  5. Against 'Engineers of Human Souls': Paternalism, 'Managerialism' and the Development of Isaiah Berlin's Liberalism.J. Cherniss - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):565-588.
    Isaiah Berlin is conventionally identified as an anti-Communist Cold War intellectual, and a partisan of 'negative' against 'positive' liberty. Yet examination of Berlin's early political writings reveals that Berlin was concerned with the dangers posed in Western, democratic societies by imposed conformity and the displacement of politics and regulation of private life by technocratic management. These writings also show that the vision of liberty to which Berlin was committed encompassed elements of what he would identify as 'positive', as well as (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  6. Fichte's Republicanism: Education, Philosophy and the Bonds of Reason.D. James - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):485-518.
    The article shows how Fichte's rarely discussed Deduced Plan for a Higher Institute of Learning to be Established in Berlin plays an essential role in his thought from around the time of the more famous Addresses to the German Nation, and in so doing it identifies some of the essential features of the future German republic that he has in mind. For Fichte, the university prepares individuals for the standpoint of the Wissenschaftslehre, while the love of learning for its own (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  7. Was Max Weber Wrong About Westminster?K. Palonen - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):519-537.
    Guenther Roth once called Max Weber 'the would-be Englishman'. The characterization can be extended to Weber's admiration for the Westminster Parliament and its political practices. Later German scholars have disputed the accuracy of Weber's interpretation of British parliamentarism, claiming it was distorted by his critique of the contemporary German situation. The author's thesis is that Weber well understood the Westminster practices, while his critics misunderstood in particular his distinction between 'working' and 'talking' parliaments . German political scientists of the post-war (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  8. Idealism, the Sociology of Knowledge and Revisionist History of Political Thought: Peter Laslett's Reappraisal of Whig Historiography.A. Skodo - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):538-564.
    This article examines the historical thought of Peter Laslett against the background themes and dilemmas of British 'Golden Age' post-Second World War historiography, c.1945-1980. Laslett reappraised whig interpretations of English history, and extended these reappraisals to critiques of liberal political theory, in a similar vein as other Golden Age historians. The article argues that Laslett drew on themes fromMichael Oakeshott's idealist philosophy of history and Karl Mannheim's sociology of knowledge in his revisions of Sir Robert Filmer, patriarchalism, John Locke and (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  9. The Limits Of Citizenship In Aristotle's Politics.C. Woods - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):399-435.
    This article argues for two main theses concerning Aristotle's Politics. The first is that outside the explicit discussion of citizenship in 3.1-5 'citizen' is used without reference to the criterion of legal eligibility which plays a central role in 3.1's account, and is instead used with reference to the non-legal attributes of individuals. The second is that there are differences with respect to virtue among those who claim citizenship based on 'free birth' and that Aristotle holds that a citizen should (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  10. Can We Speak Of Just War In Islam?Makram Abbes - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):234-261.
    Moving away from received ideas and apologetic readings, this article deals with the notion of 'just war' in Islam as it appears in a series of different texts in order to demonstrate how thought on this subject has evolved from the birth of Islam in the seventh century through to the recent developments of the twenty-first century. Moving beyond a theoretical framework that analyses the criteria of just war according to Western definitions, this article traces its discursive presence throughout various (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  11. Spinoza, Josephism And The Critique Of The Hebrew Republic.Jacob Abolafia - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):295-316.
    This paper attempts to treat Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico Politicus in the context of recent work on 'political Hebraism'. First it examines the role of the ancient historian Flavius Josephus in the general context of political Hebraism, and then it discusses his place in Spinoza's writings more specifically. The argument attempts to show that a particular mode of reading Josephus emerged in the political Hebraist tradition, and that Spinoza may be seen as both the end of this tradition and a sophisticated (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  12.  32
    John Rawls, Peirce's Notion of Truth, and White's Holistic Pragmatism.Daniele Botti - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):345-377.
    For the first time in print, this article reports passages from John Rawls’s graduate papers and annotations on books and manuscripts from his personal library. The analysis of this material shows the historical inaccuracy of the widespread assumption that Rawls’s philosophy owes very little to American pragmatism. Peirce’s notion of truth, as well as the holistic critique of pragmatism thatMortonWhite began in the late 1940s, prove significant at the very beginning of Rawls’s philosophical enterprise. In the light of this material, (...)
    Direct download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography   7 citations  
  13. Revisiting Burke's Critique Of Enthusiasm.Ross Carrol - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):317-344.
    Edmund Burke is often considered an arch-critic of enthusiasm in its various religious and secular forms. This article complicates this understanding by situating Burke's writings against the backdrop of eighteenth-century treatments of enthusiasm as a disturbance of the imagination. The early Burke, this article shows, was actually sympathetic to attempts by the Third Earl of Shaftesbury and others to rehabilitate enthusiasm for politics and rescue it from popular derision. Next, the author reveals how Burke firmly resisted attempts to frame anti-Protestant (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  14. Doing Violence to the Roman Idea of Liberty?: Freedom as Bodily Integrity in Roman Political Thought.Michelle Clarke - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):211-233.
    This paper challenges how Roman liberty has been conceived by neorepublican writers like Quentin Skinner, who have suggested that Romans were primarily concerned with the arbitrary use of power. It argues that Romans focused their attention more narrowly and concretely on arbitrary coercion, or immunity from the unpredictable and unjustified violence which they believed was endemic to life outside the shelter of the self-protecting Roman civitas. It concludes by suggesting that Roman views about liberty are closer to those of Judith (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  15. Machiavelli's Democratic Republic.Catherine Zuckert - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (2):262-294.
    Commentators on Machiavelli's Discourses have disagreed about whether he seeks to establish a new, more democratic form of republic, revive an imperial republic like Rome, or educate a new political elite, because they have not seen the logic that connects the three books. Machiavelli first argues that the internal liberty of Rome depended on arming her people. He then shows how a modern republic can avoid the destructive effects of Roman imperialism. Finally, he teaches his readers how to preserve a (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  16. Rejecting the American Model: Peter Kropotkin's Radical Communalism.Matthew Adams - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):147-173.
    Kropotkin's anarchism looked to a future defined by communalism. However, his understanding of this potential communal future has rarely been subject to analysis. Particularly important was his distinction between communalism and the tradition of communal experimentation in the US, which drew heavily on the ideas of Charles Fourier. Kropotkin was influenced by Fourier, but thought that attempts to found phalanstèries had been disastrous, vitiating the power of communalist propaganda. To defend the idea of a communal future, Kropotkin therefore advanced a (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  17. In the Valley of the Dry Bones: Lincoln's Biblical Oratory and the Coming of the Civil War.Matthew Holbreich - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):121-146.
    Challenging traditional readings of Abraham Lincoln, this article investigates his public use of the Bible before he became President of the United States. The rhetorical tropes of covenant, purification, sacrifice and rebirth illuminate a previously under-appreciated dimension of Lincoln's Biblical oratory. A close study of those themes reveals a consistently radical and polarizing Lincoln from his early speeches to his late pre-Presidential ones . At the heart of this unity was an uncompromisingly moral vision of the Union. The article concludes (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  18. Two Concepts Of Prejudice.Ryan Holston - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):174-203.
    Many scholars have noted that the concept of 'prejudice' in the thinking of Hans-Georg Gadamer bears similarity to the use that has been made of the term in the speaking and writing of Edmund Burke. However, few studies have adequately explored whether Gadamer's philosophy could support the normative claims Burke makes with respect to prejudice. This article argues that despite Gadamer's explicit denials, there is indeed a normative dimension to his understanding of prejudice, and it will be demonstrated that his (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  19. By Convention or by Nature: Melanchthon's Criticism of Late Medieval Ockhamist Political Thought in the Commentarii in Aliquot Politicos Libros Aristotel.Mads Jensen - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):1-28.
    The article argues that existing scholarship has missed Melanchthon's central objective in writing the Commentarii in aliquot politicos libros Aristoteles. Rather than merely criticizing peasants and radical preachers, Melanchthon sought to refute the Ockhamist political thought of Gabriel Biel and John Mair. Using Aristotle's naturalism within the theological framework of the political order as ordained by God, Melanchthon criticized the conventionalist account of the Ockhamists, specifically the principles underlying the case for popular sovereignty or the power of the community over (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  20. Freedom, Equality And Conflict: ROUSSEAU ON MACHIAVELLI.Filippo Del Lucchese - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):29-49.
    Rousseau's praise for Machiavelli in the Social Contract goes along with his condemnation of partial association and political conflicts. Yet Machiavelli builds his theory precisely around the idea of the constructive role of conflicts, seeing the irreducible multiplicity of the many as the source of a positive conflictuality. Is the ontological primacy of Rousseau's singularity in the general will compatible with the political primacy of Machiavelli's conflictual multiplicity? By exploring Rousseau's strategy in his use of Machiavelli, this article argues that (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography   2 citations  
  21. Maritime Orientalism, Or The Political Theory Of Water.Jonathan Scott - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):70-90.
    According to Edward Said, orientalism was a culturally constructed 'other' designed by Europeans to give expression to their claim to be 'the West'. The East was torpid, despotic, libidinous and static. The West was self governed, law governed, progressive and dynamic. Said located this figuration of modernity in the heyday of European global empires, specifically in British and French writings of the nineteenth century. But it is much older, and this article discusses orientalism in ancient Greece, renaissance England, Enlightenment Scotland, (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
  22. Reflections on the Revolution in England: Edmund Burke's Uses of 1688.Ben Taylor - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):91-120.
    This article highlights Edmund Burke's basic purposes in discussing the meaning and significance of the English Revolution of 1688 in his classic text Reflections on the Revolution in France. Previous assessments of this section of Reflections have been influenced by Burke's view of his own arguments; consequently, commentators have either been concerned to pass judgment on the validity of Burke's depiction of 1688, or stress that Burke offered a mainstream Whig reading of the event. By contrast, the article reveals what (...)
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography   1 citation  
  23.  12
    John Locke and the Right to Bear Arms.Mark Tunick - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):50-69.
    Recent legal opinions and scholarly works invoke the political philosophy of John Locke, and his claim that there is a natural right of self-defense, to support the view that the 2nd Amendment’s right to bear arms is so fundamental that no state may disarm the people. I challenge this use of Locke. For Locke, we have a right of self-defense in a state of nature. But once we join society we no longer may take whatever measures that seem reasonable to (...)
    Direct download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    My bibliography  
 Previous issues
  
Next issues