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  1.  9
    Philosophy of Nature. [REVIEW]Gene Callahan - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):396-399.
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  2.  42
    Why the View of Intellect in De Anima I 4 Isn’T Aristotle’s Own.Caleb Cohoe - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):241-254.
    In De Anima I 4, Aristotle describes the intellect (nous) as a sort of substance, separate and incorruptible. Myles Burnyeat and Lloyd Gerson take this as proof that, for Aristotle, the intellect is a separate eternal entity, not a power belonging to individual humans. Against this reading, I show that this passage does not express Aristotle’s own views, but dialectically examines a reputable position (endoxon) about the intellect that seems to show that it can be subject to change. The passage’s (...)
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  3.  13
    Rationalizing Socrates’ Daimonion.Bridger Ehli - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):225-240.
    That Socrates took himself to possess a divine sign is well attested by ancient sources. Both Plato and Xenophon mention Socrates’ daimonion on numerous occasions. What is problematic for contemporary scholars is that Socrates unfailingly obeys the warnings of his sign. Scholars have worried that Socrates seems to ascribe greater epistemic authority to his sign than his own critical reasoning. Moreover, he never so much as questions the authority of his sign to guide his actions, much less its divine nature. (...)
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  4.  84
    Wittgenstein’s Influence on Austin’s Philosophy of Language.Daniel W. Harris & Elmar Unnsteinsson - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):371-395.
    Many philosophers have assumed, without argument, that Wittgenstein influenced Austin. More often, however, this is vehemently denied, especially by those who knew Austin personally. We compile and assess the currently available evidence for Wittgenstein’s influence on Austin’s philosophy of language. Surprisingly, this has not been done before in any detail. On the basis of both textual and circumstantial evidence we show that Austin’s work demonstrates substantial engagement with Wittgenstein’s later philosophy. In particular, Austin’s 1940 paper, ‘The Meaning of a Word’, (...)
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  5.  22
    Schopenhauer on the Aimlessness of the Will.Christopher Janaway - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):331-347.
    Schopenhauer asserts that ‘the will, which is objectified in human life as it is in every appearance, is a striving without aim and without end’. The article rejects some recent readings of this claim, and offers the following positive interpretation: however many specific aims of my specific desires I manage to attain, none is a final aim, in the sense that none terminates my ‘willing as a whole’, none turns me into a non-willing being. To understand Schopenhauer’s claim we must (...)
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  6.  7
    Conceiving Existence: On Hume’s Argument Against the Distinctness of the Idea of Existence.Asher Jiang - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):297-316.
    There are two questions concerning Hume’s doctrine of existence which have not yet found any persuasive answer: What is his argument in favour of the thesis that there is no distinct idea of existence? What are the semantic and metaphysical consequences of this thesis within his philosophical framework? This paper mainly aims to answer question. In order to do that, I will first explain why some reconstructions suggested by interpreters such as Cummins and Bricke are problematic. One of them relies (...)
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  7.  72
    Kant and the Foundations of Morality. [REVIEW]Samuel Kahn - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):403-405.
  8.  5
    Carving, Taming or Gardening? Plutarch on Emotions, Reason and Virtue.David Machek - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):255-275.
    This article attempts to provide an overview and discussion of Plutarch’s views in his Moralia about emotions and their relation to moral virtue and reason. By tracking different clusters of imagery – artisanal, zoological and botanic – that Plutarch uses in his essays to articulate the relationship between emotions and reason, it explores three philosophical perspectives on emotions: emotions of a virtuous person are likened to a well-shaped piece of material; to animals that need to be guided or reined in (...)
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  9.  5
    Marsilius of Padua and Peter of Abano: The Scientific Foundations of Law-Making in Defensor Pacis.Alessandro Mulieri - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):276-296.
    This article shows that a forgotten source of Marsilius’ scientia of law-making in the Defensor Pacis is the Lucidator, the main astrological work of Peter of Abano. A compared analysis of these two works demonstrates that the theories of experientia and scientia that Marsilius considers necessary to make laws in the first dictio of the Defensor Pacis entirely draw on Peter of Abano’s views on the epistemological status of ‘the science of the stars’. It is shown that the purpose of (...)
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  10.  14
    Is Shepherd's Pen Mightier Than Berkeley's Word?Samuel C. Rickless - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):317-330.
    In 1827, Lady Mary Shepherd published Essays on the Perception of an External Universe, which offers both an argument for the existence of a world of external bodies existing outside our minds and a criticism of Berkeley's argument for idealism in A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge. In this paper, I evaluate Margaret Atherton's criticisms of Shepherd's case against Berkeley, and provide reasons for thinking that, although Shepherd's particular criticisms of Berkeley do not succeed, she correctly identifies an (...)
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  11.  5
    Hobbes and Modern Political Thought. [REVIEW]G. A. J. Rogers - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):401-403.
  12.  7
    Bayle, Jurieu, and the ‘Dictionnaire Historique Et Critique’. [REVIEW]Felix Waldmann - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):399-401.
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  13.  2
    French Philosophy, 1572–1675. [REVIEW]Joseph Anderson - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):208-209.
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  14.  9
    The Mind–Body Problem and the Role of Pain: Cross-Fire Between Leibniz and His Cartesian Readers.Raphaële Andrault - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):25-45.
    This article is about the exchanges between Leibniz, Arnauld, Bayle and Lamy on the subject of pain. The inability of Leibniz’s system to account for the phenomenon of pain is a recurring objection of Leibniz’s seventeenth-century Cartesian readers to his hypothesis of pre-established harmony: according to them, the spontaneity of the soul and its representative nature cannot account for the affective component of pain. Strikingly enough, this problem has almost never been addressed in Leibniz studies, or only incidentally, through the (...)
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  15.  11
    Twenty-Five Years of the British Journal for the History of Philosophy.Michael Beaney - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):1-10.
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  16.  4
    Conflict, Consensus, and Liberty in J. S. Mill’s Representative Democracy.Gustavo Hessmann Dalaqua - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):110-130.
    The relationship between representative democracy and conflict in John Stuart Mill’s political philosophy has been interpreted in very different ways. While some scholars claim that Millian democracy is incompatible with political conflict, others identify in Mill a radical political agonism that would offer a non-consensual model of deliberative democracy. This paper argues that neither of these views is exactly accurate: although he highlights the centrality of conflict in political life, Mill believes that democratic deliberation presupposes a minimal level of consensus (...)
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  17.  12
    Bentham’s Binary Form of Maximizing Utilitarianism.Johan E. Gustafsson - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):87-109.
    Jeremy Bentham is often interpreted as defending a satisficing, rather than maximizing, version of utilitarianism, where an act is right as long as it produces more pleasure than pain. This lack of maximization is surprising given Bentham’s maximizing slogan ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number’. Against the satisficing interpretation, I argue that Bentham consistently defends a maximizing version of utilitarianism, where an act’s consequences are compared to those of not performing the act. I show that following this version of (...)
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  18.  25
    Kants Ontologie der Raumzeitlichen Wirklichkeit: Versuch Einer Anti-Realistischen Interpretation der Kritik der Reinen Vernunft. [REVIEW]Wolfgang Ertl - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):218-221.
  19.  7
    Adorno and Schelling on the Art–Nature Relation.Camilla Flodin - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):176-196.
    When it comes to the relationship between art and nature, research on Adorno’s aesthetics usually centres on his discussion of Kant and Hegel. While this reflects Adorno’s own position – his comprehension of this relationship is to a large extent developed through a critical re-reading of both the Kantian and the Hegelian position – I argue that we are able to gain important insights into Adorno’s aesthetics and the central art–nature relation by reading his ideas in the light of Schelling’s (...)
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  20.  8
    Mary Astell’s Theory of Spiritual Friendship.Nancy Kendrick - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):46-65.
    Mary Astell’s theory of friendship has been interpreted either as a version of Aristotelian virtue friendship, or as aligned with a Christian and Platonist tradition. In this paper, I argue that Astell’s theory of friendship is determinedly anti-Aristotelian; it is a theory of spiritual friendship offered as an alternative to Aristotelian virtue friendship. By grounding her conception of friendship in a Christian–Platonist metaphysics, I show that Astell rejects the Aristotelian criteria of reciprocity and partiality as essential features of the friendship (...)
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  21.  2
    Dictionnaire des Philosophes Français du XVIIe Siècle. Acteurs Et Réseaux de Savoir. [REVIEW]Mogens Lærke - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):209-215.
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  22.  13
    Monads at the Bottom, Monads at the Top, Monads All Over.Ohad Nachtomy - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):197-207.
    This paper examines a widely accepted reading of monads as the most fundamental elements of reality. Garber [Leibniz – Body, Substance, Monad, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009] argues that simple monads – seen as mind-like atoms without parts and extension – replace the corporeal substance of Leibniz’s middle period. Phemister [Leibniz and the Natural World – Activity, Passivity and Corporeal Substances in Leibniz’s Philosophy, Dordrecht: Springer, 2005] argues that monads figure also at the top as complete corporeal substances. Building on (...)
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  23.  14
    Habit and Time in Nineteenth-Century French Philosophy: Albert Lemoine Between Bergson and Ravaisson.Mark Sinclair - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):131-153.
    This paper shows how reflection on habit leads in nineteenth-century French philosophy to Henri Bergson’s idea of duration in 1888 as a non-quantifiable dimension irreducible to time as measured by clocks. Historically, I show how Albert Lemoine’s 1875 L’habitude et l’instinct was crucial, since he holds – in a way that is both Ravaissonian and Bergsonian avant la lettre – that for the being capable of habit, the three elements of time are fused together. For that habituated being, Lemoine claims, (...)
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  24.  3
    Plotinus’ Concept of Matter in Giordano Bruno’s De la Causa, Principio Et Uno.Giannis Stamatellos - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):11-24.
    The aim of this paper is to focus on the reception of Plotinus’ concept of matter in the Renaissance philosopher Giordano Bruno and his early Italian dialogue De la causa, principio et uno. I argue that Bruno’s concept of materia in De la causa, principio et uno reflects Plotinus’ theory of intelligible matter in Ennead ii 4 [12] 2–5 as well as Plotinus’ positive view of the perceptible world in Enneads ii 9 [33] and iv 8 [6]. It is suggested (...)
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  25.  11
    Kant’s Inferentialism: The Case Against Hume. [REVIEW]Robert Watt - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):215-218.
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  26.  27
    Kant on the Original Synthesis of Understanding and Sensibility.Jessica J. Williams - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):66-86.
    In this paper, I propose a novel interpretation of the role of the understanding in generating the unity of space and time. On the account I propose, we must distinguish between the unity that belongs to determinate spaces and times – which is a result of category-guided synthesis and which is Kant’s primary focus in §26 of the B-Deduction, including the famous B160–1n – and the unity that belongs to space and time themselves as all-encompassing structures. Non-conceptualist readers of Kant (...)
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  27.  4
    Kidnapping an Ugly Child: Is William James a Pragmaticist?Neil W. Williams - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (1):154-175.
    Since the term ‘pragmatism’ was first coined, there have been debates about who is or is not a ‘real’ pragmatist, and what that might mean. The division most often drawn in contemporary pragmatist scholarship is between William James and Charles Peirce. Peirce is said to present a version of pragmatism which is scientific, logical and objective about truth, whereas James presents a version which is nominalistic, subjectivistic and leads to relativism. The first person to set out this division was in (...)
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  28.  17
    On the Motivations for Merleau-Ponty’s Ontological Research.Dimitris Apostolopoulos - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy (2):348-370.
    This paper attempts to clarify Merleau-Ponty’s later work by tracing a hitherto overlooked set of concerns that were of key consequence for the formulation of his ontological research. I argue that his ontology can be understood as a response to a set of problems originating in reflections on the intersubjective use of language in dialogue, undertaken in the early 1950s. His study of dialogue disclosed a structure of meaning-formation and pointed towards a theory of truth (both recurring ontological topics) that (...)
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