In De Trinitate XII Augustine refuses the idea that a family could be the image of God. This is curious, because the theologian that in De Trinitate elaborates a “communitarian model” of the Trinity – the Lover, the Beloved and the Love – at the same time does not see the image of God in the first natural community, the family. The purpose of this paper is to show the deeper reasons for this refutation. After the exposition of Augustine’s argument, (...) the paper identifies Augustine’s polemical reference to a part of the Eastern Tradition, which used the example of the first family (Adam, Eve and Abel/Seth) in order to express the mystery of the Trinity. It examines also how the example of the first family was used by Gregory of Nazianzus in his fifth theological discourse (which some scholars identify as the possible source of the idea of the family as the image of God for Augustine) in a trinitarian way. This study then considers two aspects of Augustine’s argument: that his refutation is not justified by the association of the Holy Spirit with the mother and the bride; that the real reason for it is exegetical, and dependent upon Augustine’s reading of Gn. 1:26. Finally the paper shows that the view of gender differences as merely corporeal is what prevents the Doctor of Grace from reading Gn. 1:27 in a relational-dialogical way to express the intimate communion of the Trinity. (shrink)

This article begins by surveying the names of the Father and their occurrences in the Cassiciacum Dialogues, then moves from language to ideas. It explores the meaning, sources and content of notions associated with each named Father. It concludes with a philosophical synthesis focused on the theoretical features of the figure of “the Father”, which conforms with Christian faith as interpreted through careful use of neoplatonic thought.

The paper offers a preliminary treatment of the problems of profiling Apelles as a Marcionite of the late second century. It takes into consideration the available sources on one of the two works of Apelles, the context of which content can be partially reconstructed, namely the Συλλογισμοί. The tradition concerning this work is traced back to three different lines, the first going back to Rhodon’s treatise against the Marcionites, the second to Theophilus of Antioch’s work against Marcion and the third (...) one to Origen’s Commentary on Genesis. Only Origen seems to have quoted the Συλλογισμοί explicitly and all the fragments we possess are transmitted by him, directly or via Ambrose’s treatise On Paradise. (shrink)

The main aim of this study is to provide some new considerations to support the contested thesis that the Corpus Caspari has to be understood as a unified set of texts drawn up by a single author. Both theological and biographical considerations allow the safe identification of the composer of this ensemble with the future Sixtus III (432-440). Moreover, all the projects that the pontiff carried out, from Santa Maria Maggiore to the monastery he founded in the vicinity of the (...) catacombs, testify to the same opinions on asceticism, virginity and material goods as are expressed in the six letters. Even the signature of some of those letters-treaties should be evaluated as authentic, and it can be connected only to Sixtus III. (shrink)

This article discusses the charity towards the poor that characterized the so-called cura animarum of Pope Gregory the Great. It draws its information first from the Registrum Epistularum and then from the Vita Gregorii Magni of John the Deacon. From the Registrum the author gathers information on the honesty and competence of the administrators of the ecclesiastical patrimony, and on the use of goodness and rigour in the exercise of power. From the Vita, the author highlights some hagiographic aspects related (...) to donations to the poor. This article presents the theme of Pope Gregory’s charity by drawing on both historical and hagiographic sources, highlighting how certain events and aspects of his life flourished in later hagiographical legend. (shrink)

Since the end of the 16th century, when the perfectly preserved remains of an ancient early Christian underground cemetery were discovered accidentally along the Via Salaria in Rome, Christian antiquities were studied mainly for apologetic propaganda purposes, i.e. to defend the primacy of the Church of Rome, which was faltering under the blows of the Protestant reformers. Everything changed, however, around the middle of the 19th century, thanks to Giovanni Battista de Rossi, a famous archaeologist whose 200th birthday falls this (...) year. This essay sets in the context of his biography the main coordinates of his training, his numerous and fundamental discoveries and his main publications, which brought him recognition in international cultural circles of the time as the “founder of Christian archaeology”, a science that was finally recognised as such, and no longer seen as just a learned pastime for amateur antiquarians. (shrink)

This article uses the Historia Lausiaca of Palladius (cc. 33-34) to identify in a monastic and ecclesiastical community some verbal, psychological and physical violence that reflects what today would be framed as bullying.

This paper is about the integration between metrical clausulae and rhetorical structure. First, there is a comparison of Waszink’s results using the Zielinski method with Laurand’s system, and my findings on the same group of clausulae. Secondly, we analyze the concluding words of every book of Tertullian, to identify the more frequent clausulae, and the initial words, in which we can find often a cretic. Thirdly, we analyze the metrical prose of Tertullian’s De testimonio animae, to establish a rhetorical scheme (...) for the very first time. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the expression μαθηματικῶς ἀκουστέον (q.d.s. 18, 1) in light of which it is possible to confirm the close relationship that Clement establishes between the teaching of the Savior and the duty of those who, confronting the wisdom of divine teaching, cannot exempt themselves from a careful investigation of the Word and are required to conduct research with the utmost awareness of the message so that, given the “parabolic” character of the Scriptures, every notion is understood “with (...) mathematical rigor” without altering divine teaching in the least. (shrink)

What is Augustine’s commentary on Alypius’ curiosity (curiositas) at the gladiatorial show in Confessiones 6, 8, 13 fundamentally about? Augustinian scholars have interpreted the story widely. Following recent scholarly developments, this work argues for a distinctively Thomistic reading of Alypius’ curiositas. In 1987, Joseph Torchia interpreted this passage as putting only a secondary focus on the story’s emphasis on, in his words, «conflict with God, its inner self, and others». However, this triadic conflict is found in Aquinas: in his Commentary (...) on the Gospel of John (14, 7), Aquinas argues that a conflict with God, self and others is what it means to lack peace (pax). Confessions 6, 8, 13 is read here through a Thomistic lens: the presentation of Alypius’ curiositas is fundamentally a statement about Alypius’ lack of peace. (shrink)

This article includes details about Oration 44 of Gregory of Nazianzus, taken from ‘Gregorio di Nazianzo, orazione 44’ a book by Rossella Valastro, published in 2018. This oration was proclaimed during the first Sunday after Easter in 383, in conjunction with the inauguration of the church of St. Mamas of Caesarea. Gregory of Nazianzus, however, reports only a little information to his devotees about this little-known Cappadocian martyr. The oration highlights many themes, especially spiritual renewal that comes to humanity from (...) Christ's death and resurrection. Through many biblical quotes, the bishop exhorts all humanity to a spiritual change, creating an oration with a complex and irregular structure that is probably derived from several orations that Gregory of Nazianzus proclaimed in different times and places and were brought together into a single text. (shrink)

The so-called gammadiae are symbols similar to letters whose specific meaning is unknown. It is currently believed that they could have originated among Hellenistic Jews, and been inherited by Christians, who adapted them to own needs. They seem to have indicated the holiness of the characters marked by them. Building on previous analysis and on the recent systematic cataloguing of the Early Christian catacombs of Rome, as well as a range of other artefacts, we examine two lesser known archaeological finds, (...) and finally consider some examples of gammadiae “of transition”, which appear during the Medieval period predominantly in manuscripts or in the mosaics of basilicas. These last symbols show differences from the Early Christian ones, even though they still appear systematically on the pallia of Christ, the martyrs, saints and other holy people. (shrink)

As part of the studies on Pseudo-Basiliana Graeca, the vol. LIX of Sacris Erudiri dedicated some interventions to the Commentary on Isaiah attributed to Basil. Faced with new doubts about authenticity, the author examines the arguments proposed, but reconfirms his position on the Basilian authorship of the work.

Irenaeus of Lyon uses the tale of Abraham as biblical proof for his thesis on the unity of God and of the history of salvation. In order to do this, however, he must first refute the Gnostic and Marcionite interpretations of Abraham, and so the episode of Isaac’s sacrifice. In Irenaeus’s exegesis of Gn 22:1–19, Abraham becomes the progenitor of the apostles and gentiles who are welcomed into the Church and an ante litteram disciple of Mt 4:22 and 16:24; he, (...) who prophetically foresees the day of Jesus’s passion, offers his son Isaac as a sacrifice, just as God would offer his son, the incarnate Logos, as a sacrifice for the salvation of his descendants. (shrink)

The article considers arguments presented by Erasmus of Rotterdam, Julien Garnier and their modern followers against the authenticity of the Commentary on the Prophet Isaiah, which has been preserved in mansucsripts as a work of Basil the Great. A survey of the correspondence of Erasmus and of the circumstances of his attempted translation of the book shows that his critical judgement on the authorship was motivated by the need to justify his abandoning of the project of translation rather than by (...) the evidence of the text itself. The first systematic examination of Garnier’s critical dossier demonstrates that his statements about the incompatibility of many linguistic features of the Commentary with undisputed writings of Basil are not supported by the text of his own edition of the book. Moreover, his rigid criteria for stylistic analysis are based on misleading notions about textual aspects of the creation and transmission of Patristic works. Isolated observations of the modern followers of the Maurist need to be assessed on the basis of a new and critical edition of the text; however, without the support of his numerous unfounded arguments, they are not sufficient by themselves to refute the attribution of the book in the manuscript tradition. (shrink)

The exegesis of the resurrection of Lazarus offers Hilary of Poitiers the chance to reflect on the emotional suffering of the Word made flesh and its glorification by the Father. The bishop uses these motifs to rebut the subordinationist position of his adversaries and to uphold the presence of the Father in the Son, declaring the perfect equality of both persons. Thus, he uses the miracle of the resurrection of Lazarus to show how the glorification of the Son is intended (...) to sanctify the flesh he assumed, so that the Father to recognizes him in it, thus restoring the unity of his divine and human natures. Likewise, he draws a connection with Jn 5:24-29, reinforcing his thoughts on the mystery of the mutual inhabitation of the Father and the Son with an anti-Arian interpretation. (shrink)

Was Sabellius really a Libyan? Examining contemporary sources and ancient historiography on one of the most enigmatic heretics in the history of dogmas, the article shows that the Libyan origin of Sabellius is unlikely, and that it is an exaggeration to claim that Libya was a Sabellian home in the third century. Eusebius of Caesarea is probably guilty of having identified the adversaries of Dionysius of Alexandria located in Ptolemais as disciples of Sabellius, and the testimony of Origen on the (...) theology of the identification between the Father and Christ is too abstract to deduce that this theology was as widely diffused in the East as it has previously been held. (shrink)

The essay points out some loci in the surviving part of the Coptic translation of De anima et resurrectione, written in Greek by Gregory of Nyssa. It shows how the Coptic text can be useful not only for amending the Greek text but also for understanding better the underlying theology of the Alexandrian Church, which promoted the Coptic translation. In this way, a reading of Gregory’s fragment will be read for the first time using the Coptic version on its own (...) terms and not merely as a translation of Ancient Greek. (shrink)

Several treatises have come down to us from Christian antiquity devoted to the defence of the dogma of the resurrection of the flesh. Such works are mutually connected by evident similarities in the content and often by literary dependence. The treatise On the resurrection attributed to Justin Martyr is preserved almost exclusively in the Sacra Parallela. This has been used as a source by different authors, e.g. Tertullian and Methodius of Olympus. According to the optimistic viewpoint of recent scholars, the (...) text which is included in the Sacra Parallela represents nearly the totality of the original text. However, this article, by combining the text of Tertullian and Methodius of Olympus, aims to reconstruct some now lost passages of περὶ ἀναστάσεως which are devoted to biblical exegesis or which demonstrate the resurrection of the flesh on the basis of philosophical thought. (shrink)

The present paper provides a comparative analysis of imperial and canonical legislation concerning the abduction of lay or consecrated women in the 4th century, when both legislations delineated the distinctive features of the abovementioned crimen. The imperial law showed both an extreme severity towards abductors and a leniency towards lay and consecrated women, who were considered innocent; however, women were not allowed to live together with their abductors. The canonical legislation also severely punished abductors and considered lay women innocent; however, (...) contrary to the provisions in the civil laws, the ecclesiastical legislation condemned consecrated women who consented to abduction. The paper aims to reconstruct the basic outline of both legislative systems and to identify a set of key features that might describe female submission to both the will of male members of the family and to the provisions in the canonical laws: indeed, the consent to abduction often represented an extreme attempt on the part of women to determine their own lives. (shrink)

This article further examines the literary relationship between the De Trinitate falsely attributed to Didymus the Blind and the works of Cyril of Alexandria, aside from their common philosophical citations. The highlighted similarities of these two authors cannot be explained by a common source; on the contrary, they indicate a direct dependence of one author upon the other. Their analysis shows that words, turns of phrase and ideas which are typical of Cyril and often occur in his writings are each (...) used only once by Pseudo-Didymus. This evidence weighs heavily in favour of Cyril’s antecedence. In fact, the anonymous author of the De Trinitate has been influenced, in addition to fourth-century doctrinal treatises, by Cyril’s De sancta Trinitate dialogi, an anti-Arian work dating from the 420s. He also assimilated several other Cyrillian features, and was even inspired by Cyril’s anti-Arian Christology in his doctrine on the Holy Spirit. Cyril of Alexandria, therefore, has priority over Pseudo-Didymus, both chronologically and theologically. (shrink)