This article discusses the changing role of women in the family household to take full control and responsibility as a single parent due to the death of their husbands in the post-Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia. Based on the Covid-19 pandemic data, the death of husbands is so high in East Java that raised new problems in the family household when a wife must switch her position to take role as the head of the family as a single parent. This article (...) strives to answer the questions of what roles do the women play as the head of the household due to the death of their husbands? How are these roles perceived based on Maqashid Al-Syari’ah, a contemporary Islamic law? These questions aim to understand the transformation of roles between husband and wife in Javanese Muslim family households to portray the gender equality and the construction of the family resilience. The data of this study are collecter through ethnographic fieldwork with participatory observation and in-depth interviews to several married women in eastern parts of Java. This article suggests that mainstreaming the method of Islamic law, Maqashid Al-Syari’ah to build the resilience of single-parent families in East Java is realized by the awareness of single-parent women in meeting the family needs. This awareness is employed through various practices by women in East Java who cover all domestic and public activities for the benefit of the family. (shrink)

This article aims to discuss the discourses and debates on Khilafah system in Muslim countries and how it transforms into a nation-state system, specifically in Indonesia. These dicourses and debates include the contestation and trends in the connection between Islam as a religion and Indonesia as a nation-state, which reemerged after the ban of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 and The Front of Islamic Defenders (Front Pembela Islam/FPI) in 2020 accordingly under President Jokowi’s administration. This article employs descriptive qualitative (...) analysis to investigate the historical sequences of the discourses and debates on the genealogy, contestation, and relation between the Khilafah system and the nation-state system in Indonesia to uncover the fundamental ideology which underlines the conflicting interests in the debate. It operates the historical-sociological approaches to examine the data collected from books, articles, journals, and newspapers which contain the opinions of the prominent Muslim scholars gearing the dynamic discourses and debates on the nation-state system and Khilafah system. This article, therefore, attempts to demonstrate how Khilafah system idea emerged after the death of the prophet Muhammad and how this idea was contested by Muslim scholars and leaders today. This article suggests that in the struggle of ideology, thought, and movement inside the Muslim countries including Indonesia, the Khilafah system and the system of nation-state came into conflict. Further, the two forms of engagement between Islam and the nation-state are driven by nationalism. (shrink)

The advancement of communication technology has sophisticated all aspects of human lives, including Islamic _dakwah_ (preaching) activities, for Muslim communities in Indonesia. As a result, several Islamic organizations in Indonesia try hard to match this advancement by using digital media for their _dakwah _to reach larger audiences and youth media-savvy generation. This article, by focusing on three Islamic organizations in Indonesia (Nahdlatul Ulama known as NU, Muhammadiyah, and Al Washliyah), addresses the question of how their _dakwah_ activities and strategies respond (...) to advancement of communication technology on a social media platform, YouTube. This study employs digital etnography by collecting the data from YouTube accounts affiliated to the three organizations. By using content analysis for data interpretations, this article finds that each Islamic organization has its own characteristics of virtual _dakwah_ activities and strategies. NU focuses on the teachings of _ahlussunnah wal jamaah_ and religious tolerance, Muhammadiyah emphasizes charity and business, while Al Washliyah aims to strengthen the faith and morals of the society. In addition, their virtual _dakwah_ activities are also in the context of countering transnational Islamic movements that utilize social media for their _dakwah_. (shrink)

This article addresses counter-Islamist discourses by NU Garis Lucu (NU’s Funny Brigade) through its social media accounts. Instead of a clear-cut theological debates, NU Garis Lucu offers humour as method to counter attack Islamit’s arguments through its social-media activism. Using a discourse analysis approach, this article examines tweets of the NU Garis Lucu’s during the course of 2015-2020. It further reveals the account strategies to counter attack Islamist’s discourse which include questioning the legitimacy of the religious authority of Islamist groups, (...) promoting religious moderation, supporting democracy as an ideal political system, promoting ‘smiling’ Islam, and putting to an end religious polarization. _ _. (shrink)

The mosque is a center of worship and a learning medium for Muslims. As a place of worship, according to the _syariah_ there is no specific classification that mosques can only be dominated by one gender only. However, male dominance over the mosque as a religious public sphere occurred in the Baitussalam Kauman Mosque, Jekulo, Kudus, Central Java, Indonesia from 1923 until now. Therefore, this article seeks to analyze the factors of discrimination against females in using the mosque as a (...) place of worship and other religious activities. Using an ethnographic approach, this article argues that discrimination against females has occurred since 1923. This happened at the same time as the establishment of the Pesantren Al-Qaumaniyah Islamic (only for male _santri_) and was followed by other _pesantren_ around the mosque. The gender inequality discrimination argument relies on an unwritten rule that ideally females only pray in congregation at home. Furthermore, it is as if females are positioned as “trouble makers” because they are seen as disturbing the male congregation who are focusing on memorizing the al-Qur’an at the Baitussalam Mosque. This stereotype and discriminatory regulation is still perpetuated today under the pretext of respecting the old rules of the founders. (shrink)

This article seeks to examine the rise of _tarekat_ (Sufi order) in the context of the digital public sphere with a special attention to the Eshaykh website. As this article argues, the Eshaykh website represents an adaptation of conventional groups of _tarekat_ combined with information technology. However, this digital adoption raises a new problem, especially related to the differences in terms of access between digital _tarekat_ and conventional _tarekat_. This article—using a virtual ethnographic approach—focuses on the Eshaykh website by the (...) _Tarekat_ Naqsyabandiyah Haqqaniyah (TNH) as the primary source. The website provides all information about the _tarekat_, both the doctrine and the _wirid_, which are presented online. There is also an element of the simplification of orthodoxy which has so far been strictly guarded by conventional _tarekat_, but the rise of the Eshaykh website in the digital public sphere is offering _tarekat_ practices that are easily accessible and reach all levels of society. (shrink)

Polygamy is a highly controversial topic and the object of serious political contestation in Indonesia. Although all major Muslim organizations consider polygamy is allowed under Islamic Law, the practice is not without stigma. In 1974 when Indonesia adopted its current Marriage Law, the Indonesian parliament decided to tie polygamy to strict conditions. This law however failed to prevent the practice of unregistered polygamous marriages. Women in unregistered polygamous marriages formally hold no rights as lawful wife in case of a divorce (...) or death of the husband. The question is what arrangements the second, third or fourth wife in unregistered polygamous marriages have made with their husband in view of the lack of legal recognition of their rights as wife. What are the consequences of non-recognition of their marriage for these women? Does legal insecurity in practice also mean economic and social insecurity? Does the husband fulfill his obligations and responsibilities towards his wives and their families? This article aims at answering those questions by looking in-depth at a selection of three case studies, which were collected during a total of nine months of research in Jakarta in 2015 and 2016. This article is part of the socio-legal domain, combining legal analysis with anthropological approaches. The starting point of the research is a legal one: the disadvantaged legal position of women whose polygamous marriage has not been registered, but a large part of the research is based on anthropological methods. Through the experiences of these women the paper will reveal a range of personal reasons and underlying causes for unregistered Islamic polygamous marriages as well as their consequences–including legal ones. The paper will depict a great diversity in legal reasoning, socio-economic considerations, religious reflections and daily life dilemmas of these individual women living in unregistered polygamous marriages. (shrink)

This article is a result of a massive survey conducted in Tulungagung, a south-eastern Javanese middle town in the early 2022. The survey involves 2569 data collectors that successfully, following a series of data cleansing, reported refined 7140 data survey. The article is a descriptive analytic which shows the views of respondents of the survey. They are leaders in many Javanese villages in the city which include religious leaders (RL), leaders of community (LC), and young leaders (YL). The survey addresses (...) four important issues that have been officially recognised as the official four pillars of religious moderation (_moderasi beragama_), namely commitment for Indonesian nationalism, tolerance, anti-violence, acceptance to local cultures. The survey finds that there has been no worrying indicator threatening the four pillars of _moderasi beragama_ and argues that a challenge for religious pluralism in contemporary Java lies at the coexistence between groups within the same religion. It also suggests that “moderating the moderate” has been a key challenge for the state’s initiative of _moderasi beragama_, otherwise the project becomes obsolete. (shrink)