Abstract

In recent years, much attention has been given to the puzzling relationship between tense and evidence type found in languages where a single morpheme appears to encode both reference to time and to the evidential source for the assertion. In natural language, _tense_ has long been understood as serving to locate the time at which the proposition expressed by the sentence holds. The two main theories of _evidentials_ both agree that these morphemes serve to identify the type of evidence the speaker has for their assertion. In languages with evidential-tense morphology, these two categories of meaning are intertwined in ways that are unexpected given our understanding of both phenomena. Specifically, these evidential-tense morphemes appear to encode reference to a time that is linked to the situation in which the speaker gains evidence for their assertion. Two competing approaches have emerged in the literature as to whether these evidential-tense morphemes make crucial reference to the _time_ evidence was acquired (Lee 2013 ; Smirnova 2013 ) or to the _time and place_ of the speaker with respect to the event (Faller 2004 ; Chung 2007 ). This paper examines the temporal and evidential properties of the Mvskoke (or Creek) _graded_ past tense system and finds novel support for the view in which evidential-tenses encode _Evidence Acquisition Time_ (EAT). Mvskoke is shown to have three evidential-tenses which form part of its graded tense system, comprising recent, middle, and distant past. The main proposal is a formalization of EAT as a moment of belief-state change, i.e., the moment the speaker comes to believe the proposition. It is shown that Mvskoke’s evidential-tenses are compatible with a range of evidence types, and this distribution is explained through interactions with viewpoint aspect.