Cet article, s’inscrit dans le cadre minimaliste de la syntaxe générative et étudie oui / non et wh-questions dans la langue Ǹjò̩-kóo, parlée dans l’état de Ondo au Nigeria. On observe que la particule interrogative pour des questions de type oui / non qui suit systématiquement le sujet DP se trouve également dans des clauses avec wh-questions. Cet article soutient que oui / non et wh-questions sont projetées par la même tête fonctionnelle Inter˚, et que wh-words ne participent pas à la saisie de wh-propositions comme interrogative. L’article conclut que le mouvement de Wh-éléments vers la position initiale de la clause dans les langues à WH-mouvement n’a pas pour but l’interrogation mais plutôt pour la focalisation.
Keywords Armature minimal   Clause typing.   Ǹjò̩-kóo. Structure d’information évidence   Phrase complimenteur   Two main cross-linguistic claims are often made with regard to question formation in language   adopting the minimalist framework of generative syntax   and observes that the yes/no question particle that consistently follows the subject DP in yes/no question clause in the language is also found in wh-questions. This being the case   and that wh-questions are clause-typed by the movement of the wh-phrase to the Spec of complementizer phrase. This paper   and that wh-words do not participate in typing wh-clauses as interrogative. The paper   auxiliary insertion   concludes that the movement of wh-elements to the clause initial position in wh-movement languages is never for interrogation but rather for focus purposes.   investigates yes/no and wh-questions in Ǹjò̩-kóo   leaning on clause typing and information structure evidence   namely   or word order alternation   some morphosyntactic prope
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