Los análisis y propuestas sobre la vida y el futuro de los países, que es siempre la vida y el futuro de seres humanos concretos —personas, ciudadanos—, no pueden, principalmente en situaciones de crisis y dificultades graves, ser abordados desde teorías en abstracto o desde orientaciones ideológicas cerradas. Esto último implicaría una renuncia a considerar que el centro de la vida de las sociedades son las personas como sujetos no sólo de derechos y deberes sino principalmente sujetos capaces de decidir, (...) de elegir, entendida esta capacidad como lo que caracteriza a los seres humanos. El pensamiento personalista, principalmente en su orientación cristiana, señala un camino para la búsqueda de nuevas formas de la economía y la política, como mediaciones imprescindibles para la realización de la vida humana, de su poder transformador –entendido como capacidad— y de la superación de visiones centradas en el poder—entendido como dominio—, de macrosujetos como los Estados que se alejan de los ciudadanos o los mercados que manipulan a los consumidores. (shrink)

Political and social developments in Venezuela have significantly influenced the events of the entire Latin American continent in the first two decades of the 21st century. Our research, time-framed between 1999 and 2013, focuses on the political, legal, social and economic aspects of the Venezuelan society development at the end of the last century and the first two decades of our century. The article also examines how social movements set in motion by chavismo led, in 1999, to the adoption (...) of a new constitution based on the principles of the separation of the five powers and how it contributed to the formation of the political movements across the Latin American continent known as the pink tide (marea rosa). (shrink)

El éxodo de más de 5.6 millones de venezolanos representa un fenómeno migratorio con múltiples facetas, cada una merecedora de atento análisis y profundización. Ante la dimensión del movimiento de millones de seres humanos, se corre el riesgo de subestimar tragedias que ocurren dentro del drama migratorio. Una de ellas, es el exilio de científicos y académicos. Este libro resume la vision acerca de la inaccion de la sociedad y orden mundial hacia la perdida de talento academico. Es un trabajo (...) continuado de 4 anos que pretende mostrar que esta banalidad no es nueva. A traves de la historia, los ojos inmoviles del mundo han visto repetirse el mismo escenario: Italia, Espana, Siria, Yemen, Afganistan entre otros tantos han sufrido impotentes la desaparicion de sus talentos pensantes en distitnos periodos historicos. Venezuela se ha sumado recientemente a esta lista. En las siguientes paginas intento resumir a la mirada publica la imperiosa necesidad de preservar y proteger el talento academico. Resumidamente, abordo tres ejes temáticos: 1) Causas y consecuencias de la Ciencia en Riesgo, 2) Instrumentalización de la Ciencia en Riesgo y 3) Efectividad de programas dirigidos a científicos en riesgo. El primer eje temático, está fundamentado en analizar las causas y consecuencias de la Diáspora científica venezolana, bajo una reconstrucción histórica del exilio científico de Italia y España, para luego hacer un análisis comparativo. El segundo eje establece, desde el marco filosófico, la conveniente preservación del statu quo de la Ciencia en riesgo, a través de instrumentalización y unidimensionalidad del quehacer científico en países en vías de desarrollo por parte de programas internacionales financiados por organismos privados y gubernamentales. El tercer y último enfoque tiene como punto de partida la situación actual de la diáspora científica y la exposición de soluciones eficaces que rompan la inercia presente, enmarcando las ideas dentro de la actual crisis de la posmodernidad. (shrink)

The present article forms part of an advance of the project of investigation Space Public, participation and militarism in Venezuela (1999-2004) financed by the COUNTS. It is sought to approach the study of the political joint experienced by the Venezuelan society among the years 2002 at the 2004, ..

The ‘Bolivarian Revolution’ in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez has reignited debate in Latin America and internationally on the questions of socialism and revolution. This forum brings together six leading intellectuals from different revolutionary traditions and introduces their reflections on class-struggle, the state, imperialism, counter-power, revolutionary parties, community and communes, workplaces, economy, politics, society, culture, race, gender, and the hopes, contradictions, and prospects of ‘twenty-first-century socialism’ in contemporary Venezuela.

In the last decade, Venezuelans have faced a range of challenges such that by 2023, nearly 7.2 million have fled, the vast majority hosted within the region. One country particularly stands out: Colombia has accepted over 2.5 million. Colombia’s behaviour does not appear motivated by legal obligations or universal ethical principles; it is hard to make sense of in terms of international ethical and political theory. Rather, Colombian state and society make reference to mundane, localised concepts of friendship, fraternity and (...) the reciprocity of a shared history. Such everyday ethics is generally ignored in existing debates. I argue that immigration ethics could helpfully begin from concrete, everyday ethical behaviour rather than idealisation and abstraction. Instead of initially asking what states and societies should do regarding immigration, we could ask what do they already do, why and how? This article therefore explores how Colombian politicians and civil society actors understood their welcoming actions through an awareness of entangled histories, reciprocity, friendship and solidarity: everyday, vernacular ways in which responsibility-taking is rationalised and practiced. My argument is not that Colombia’s actions are normatively right, or an enactment of immigration justice. Rather, these actions were ambivalent: the messy, pragmatic result of negotiating different, competing responsibilities, principles and emotions. The results were imperfect, heavily gendered, but also unprecedented. Those advocating greater societal responsibility for immigrants would perhaps do best to look beyond the global north, shun the universal and start from local activities founded in vernacular, everyday ethics. (shrink)

El exilio de académicos y científicos venezolanos, representa un desastre para una colectividad emergente y joven dentro del país. La desatención a la comunidad académica venezolana en el exilio, puede llevar a una desconexión, pérdida y aislamiento de la Ciencia venezolana ─formada antes y durante los primeros años del periodo totalitario─ dentro del contexto nacional e internacional. Actualmente los intentos por mantener la cohesión de la comunidad académica venezolana en el exilio están fragmentados y desvinculados entre sí, lo que se (...) traduce en desaprovechamiento de las distinta iniciativas y perjuicio a la población académica-científica. No existe una adecuada organización que permita cohesionar a los académicos y científicos venezolanos en riesgo. Esta desorganización conlleva la “no integración” del talento venezolano académico-científico en programas internacionales en países de acogida. Y digo “académica” y no “científica”, porque la mayoría de programas e iniciativas internacionales están dirigidas solo ciencias exactas dejando de lado las ciencias humanísticas. Sin embargo, son las investigaciones humanísticas las que muestran el devenir de científicos exiliados. En los países que han sufrido regímenes totalitarios, guerras y/o situaciones de conflicto, el desvanecimiento de la investigación y acción humanística representa uno de los primeros objetivos. Es por esto, que he querido usar el término “Academia” en lugar de “Ciencia” ya que la primera acepción tiene un mayor radio de inclusión, evitándose posibles disertaciones positivistas y neopositivistas —desde el ámbito filosófico—en torno a lo que entendemos o categorizamos por “Ciencia. (shrink)

The global spread of corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices is widely explained in institutional-isomorphic terms: Corporations worldwide adopt CSR in reaction to isomorphic pressures exerted on them by a pro-CSR global environment, including normative calls for CSR, activist targeting, civil regulation frameworks, and educational activities. By contrast, this article considers the proactive agency of corporations in CSR diffusion, which is informed by nonmarket strategies that seek to instrumentally reshape the political and social environment of corporations. Applying a “channels-of-diffusion” perspective, we (...) show that in the initial phase of CSR’s transnational diffusion—as exemplified by the cases of Venezuela (1962-1967) and Britain (1977-1981)—CSR traveled through learning exchanges between business elite “exporters” and “importers” whose engagement in diffusion addressed crisis-enhanced political threats and opportunities in the receiving country. The focal agents established national CSR business associations, which disseminated among local corporations CSR practices adapted to confront the challenges at hand. We identify the features of such “business-led cross-national diffusions of CSR”; formulate propositions regarding their conditions, dynamics, and effects; and suggest that further research of this mode of diffusion would advance a more nuanced and balanced understanding of CSR’s globalization. (shrink)

Scholars studying the global diffusion of “corporate social responsibility” (CSR) practices and the associated rise of privatized forms of economic governance have tended to shift attention away from the role of corporations in motivating these processes to the one played by nonbusiness forces seeking social control of corporations. We bring corporate power back in by turning the spotlight to the agency of business classes, the business entities capable of pursuing transcorporate, societal-level, macro-political endeavors. Building on a comparative investigation of two (...) of the world’s earliest mass CSR adoptions, in postwar Venezuela and Britain, we argue that business classes responding to anti-capitalist challenges were the original diffusers of CSR practices and, interrelatedly, promoters of CSR-based, privatized forms of regulation and governance. Organized by peak business associations, the purpose of these “business-class CSR mobilizations” was to weaken the state in its relation to corporations and increase the control of business over social trends. We discuss the contribution of our historical perspective and analytical approach to a more complete and balanced picture of the global rise of CSR in late capitalism. (shrink)

The five years that separate the election of Hugo Chávez as president of Venezuela in 1999 and the publication of Federico Vegas's Falke in 2004 were filled with change, political polarization, and outbursts of violence. In December 1999, a new constitution was approved along with a plan to replace the traditional bicameral system with an all-elected National Assembly. Thanks to a Chavista majority, the assembly approved the ley habilitante two years later. Its reforms included the expropriation of unused lands, (...) the nationalization of mixed companies, price control, and the creation of several agencies that functioned as a social network to benefit the poor. After the new laws were passed, the Communist Party and... (shrink)

This chapter outlines the utility for employing case study methodologies to provide sufficient external validity upon which to craft policy relevant to maintaining healthy democratic politics. The broader theoretical context is an investigation into the conditions that might structurally condition democracies to fail via democratic means. Venezuela’s democratic decline serves as the basis for the heuristic case study, wherein the objective is to identify the failures of the Venezuelan case in a larger framework that addresses the complexity of institutional (...) design in democratic political systems states broadly. Cases are selected based upon the objective of the researcher, and similarly, the case study methodology chosen rests firmly on their research goals. Lastly, the chapter outlines the research design necessary for satisfying broader inquiry within the more modest approach to how heuristic case studies can be used to inform both theory and policy. (shrink)

"Libro sumamente valioso. Tras sendas visiones de conjunto, muy logradas, del positivismo en América Latina en general y en Venezuela en particular, siguen capítulos sobre: Adolfo Ernst; Rafael Villavicencio; Vicente Marcano; Lasandro Alvarado; Luis Razetti; Guillermo Delgado Palacios; Luis López Méndez; José Gil Fortoul; Laureano Vallenilla Lanz; César Zumeta y Manuel Arcaya. Tiende a hacer comparaciones con otras manifestaciones del positivismo latinoamericano"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.

Abstrac. The work argues the activation of the competence of the UN Security Council to review the complex humanitarian emergency situation in Venezuela, and adopt as a provisional measure a Humanitarian Electoral Intervention (IHE), which allows to settle and alleviate conflicts by holding some general elections, based on the experience of Cambodia (1992-1993) and Timor Leste (2001-2002), and thus ruling out any possibility of violence in the Venezuelan conflict, also removing any possibility of military intervention, bearing in mind that (...) the continuity or aggravation they constitute a threat to regional and world peace and security. (shrink)

_Título, resumen y palabras clave_ La migración de españoles a Venezuela: la circularidad del capital humano canario (1940-2022) The migration of Spaniards to Venezuela: the circulation of Canarian human capital (1940-2022) La emigración canaria es un fenómeno de larga data en Venezuela y ha sido profusamente analizada desde las más diversas perspectivas. Este artículo explora dicho fenómeno, en particular desde los años 40 del siglo XX, a través del enfoque de la circularidad del capital humano, poco utilizado (...) en el examen del flujo migratorio canario. Esta perspectiva ilumina ámbitos tan diversos como el carácter transnacional de las relaciones y organizaciones, el papel de la localidad en la explicación del hecho migratorio, la ciudadanía y el emprendimiento y, en general, la movilidad de ideas, habilidades, conceptos y recursos. Para la realización del estudio se recurre a numerosas entrevistas y encuentros realizados en Tenerife y Madrid que dan cuenta del periplo migratorio de muchos emigrantes que, además, en las dos últimas décadas han regresado de manera masiva a Canarias dada la situación que conoce Venezuela. (shrink)

This article seeks to explore the relationship between populism, 21st-century socialism, and the emergence of what has been referred to as an ‘ estado delincuente’, in the case of Venezuela. That is, a state structure permeated with transnational organized crime mafias in the executive and the judiciary, in the financial system, the prosecutor’s office, the police, the armed forces, the prison system, state-owned companies, governorships, and city councils, among other state institutions. First, I review conceptual aspects of populism to (...) understand how this served as the basis for creating the postulates of 21st-century socialism, which promoted the institutional destruction of Venezuelan democracy and created the conditions for the unbridled dissemination of state corruption. Second, emblematic cases of white-collar and blood crimes, nepotism and other corrupt activities are discussed to provide an idea of the magnitude of the issues that permeate the state apparatus. To conclude, I provide a critical summary of the consequences of this way of doing politics in contemporary Venezuela. (shrink)

The roots of the « Bolivarian revolution » are located in the fall of the dictatorship in 1958. The role of the armed forces in the history of the Venezuelan left considerably predates Chavez’s accession to power in 1998. If we are to understand the political process involved here, we must grasp the nature of the historical bonds between the radical left and certain sectors of the armed forces. The article reviews this history, examining the achievements of the Chavez governments (...) in power since 1998; It then addresses certain current debates in the country, notably on the question of the construction of a socialism for the twenty-first century and the role of the armed forces in the struggles of the country. (shrink)

Au cours des guerres d’Indépendance en Amérique hispanique, de nouvelles formes d’autorité politique ont émergé, représentées par les chefs de guerre. Leur autorité se déployait selon une masculinité particulière, fondée sur la valeur guerrière, l’exercice du commandement, et l’invisibilisation du rôle politique des femmes. Ancien employé de ferme, José Antonio Páez devint un redoutable officier cavalier puis général-en-chef. À la faveur de la victoire contre l’Espagne, il s’imposa comme le nouvel homme fort du Venezuela, et engagea la sécession avec (...) la Colombie présidée par Bolívar. Premier président de la République du Venezuela, Páez incarnait une forme de césarisme patriarcal, caractérisé par une forte personnalisation du pouvoir, fondé sur la valorisation de l’homme guerrier, le monopole masculin de la citoyenneté et la métaphore du « père de la nation ». (shrink)

The concept of international strategic litigation for the defense of Venezuela is analyzed against the 2018 Guyana lawsuit before the International Court of Justice-ICJ. Evading the agreement in Article IV of the 1966 Geneva Agreement, it attempts to validate the Paris Arbitration Award of 1899, which was rejected by Guyana and Venezuela. The claim is inadmissible because the bilateral ways to resolve the territorial conflict have not been exhausted, the ICJ lacks jurisdiction and the Geneva Agreement is distorted. (...) Scenarios are analyzed for Venezuela to participate or not in the litigation, highlighting the convenience of a peaceful, practical and satisfactory settlement for the Parties. (shrink)

Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela are cases in which, despite of the collapse of party systems, the fragmentation of popular sectors, and the dismantling of corporatism that resulted from neoliberal reforms, a new mode of incorporation nonetheless emerged. This article argues that left government responses to the demands of heterogeneous, mobilized, popular sectors shaped a new incorporation in the political arena. In it governments deal differentially with the proliferation of politically significant popular sectors and subaltern social groups. This segmented popular (...) interest intermediation is explained by the interaction of three broad conditions: the configuration of popular sector forces and their linkages to left parties when they took office after the crisis of neoliberalism, the ideational frames of said parties’ leadership, and the dynamics of opposition and support for the regime’s project. The new incorporation establishes a new normal in the relationship of popular sectors to politics in democratic regimes. (shrink)

After a decade in power, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution faces a newly multilateral Washington DC and global capitalism’s most significant crisis in a generation. In order to properly understand the hopes and impediments for the future of the Revolution, I argue, it is first necessary to consider the current trajectory and series of accomplishments it has made. In this review-essay, I consider the three most recent and comprehensive works on the foreign and domestic situations in Venezuela in English ‐ (...) Eva Golinger’s Bush vs Chávez, Gregory Wilpert’s Changing Venezuela by Taking Power, and Steve Ellner’s Rethinking Venezuelan Politics. (shrink)