Verges' manifesto argues that feminists should no longer be accomplices of capitalism, racism, colonialism and imperialism: it is time to fight the system that created the boss, built the prisons and polices women's bodies. The author grapples with the central issues in feminist debates today: from Eurocentrism and whiteness, to power, inclusion and exclusion. Delving into feminist and anti-racist histories, Verges also assesses contemporary activism, movements and struggles, including #MeToo and the Women's Strike. Centering anticolonialism and anti-racism within an intersectional (...) Marxist feminism, the book puts forward an urgent demand to free ourselves from the capitalist, imperialist forces that oppress us. --From publisher description. (shrink)

Onze ans après Voyage au bout d'une vie, parallèlement réédité, Bertrand Vergely entreprend un nouveau livre sur la mort. Ce nouveau récit, philosophique, prend la forme d'une pérégrination entre un voyage et une promenade, où il parle des rencontres faites à propos de la mort et de la vie, des choses qu'il a été amené à les formuler au sujet de l'euthanasie ou du suicide, des cours donnés sur la question de la mort. Dans ces réflexions il a voulu entremêler (...) le réel et la pensée parce qu'il ne voit pas comment penser la mort autrement. Quand on est en face de l'abîme qu'elle représente, c'est en parlant du réel pensé qu'on la vit de la façon la plus juste. En fait, cette pérégrination tente de raconter comment un philosophe est amené à rencontrer les questions de la mort, de l'euthanasie et du suicide. C'est en quelque sorte le récit d'une rencontre entre la pensée et la mort. Dans ce nouveau livre, Bertrand Vergely a voulu rassembler les expériences auxquelles il a été confronté ces dix dernières années à partir de rencontres, de témoignages et d'expériences. (shrink)

En el ámbito de la educación superior virtual de la Universidade de Vigo (UVigo, España) existe un servicio de videoconferencia masiva, integrado en el Campus Remoto, que puede emplearse para la docencia virtual; y, opcionalmente, también para la grabación automática de dichas clases en vídeos. La aparición de nuevas tecnologías como la del ultrafalso y la traducción cara a cara permitirán, además de la traducción/doblaje del audio en dicha videoclases, la manipulación de la imagen para que no se note el (...) cambio de idioma al hablar; de manera que la sincronización de labios se realice también de manera automatizada. (shrink)

El propósito de este trabajo es caracterizar, desde diferentes puntos de vista, el grupo humano del estudiantado universitario que se vio afectado por la pandemia de la COVID-19. Para ello, en primer lugar, buscaremos qué rasgos distintivos comparten y trataremos de asignarles un nombre, letras y/o etiquetas distintivas. Y, en segundo lugar, analizaremos la posibilidad de poder catalogarlos como “generación”, con todo lo que ello implica. Para ello, sin embargo, deberemos establecer previamente qué es lo entendemos por “generación”.

Many issues in ethics arise in relation to the contexts in which psychologists work. However, most ethical decision-making models reproduce the way in which psychologists tend to approach ethics by focusing on ethical dilemmas and proposing a step-by-step response to deal with them. Although these models might be useful, their emphasis on reactive approaches and their lack of contextualization constitute significant limitations on their applicability. In this article, an approach to ethical decision making that highlights the importance of the context (...) in developing proactive strategies to solve ethical issues is proposed. This approach is further explained through its application to medical and rural settings. The implications of these suggestions to the training in ethics are finally discussed. (shrink)

During the Algerian struggle, Fanon warned us about the influence on politics of ‘the few European colonialists, powerful, intractable, those who have at all times instigated repressions, broken the French democrats, blocked every endeavor within the colonial framework to introduce a modicum of democracy into Algeria’. Is this remark still pertinent? How does Frantz Fanon help us understand current reactionary politics in France? Is his analysis of the French Left still pertinent? How does colonial discourse weigh on the postcolonial present? (...) In this article, I explore current expressions of French postcolonial reactionary politics focusing on an event in Reunion Island, a French postcolonial territory. I argue that it is important to observe what is happening in French postcolonial territories because they remain laboratories for repressive policies and discourses. What I call the discourse of ‘French Algeria’, a mix of revisionist history, resentment, wounded narcissism and racism, embodies a political trend that seeks to counter the small progress made in rewriting history from the point of view of the colony in France. (shrink)

En este artículo nos planteamos dos propósitos. En primer lugar, trazar una distinción entre la fraternidad y la solidaridad. En segundo lugar, intentamos averiguar qué relación mantienen la fraternidad y la justicia. Para ello, presentamos una tipología de posibilidades. Finalmente, sugerimos una explicación conceptual de por qué el concepto de fraternidad cayó en declive.

This article explores the politics and culture of Creole cosmopolitanism, which emerged in the French post-slavery colonies. It argues that Creole cosmopolitanism offers a framework to imagine oneself in the world. As a form of resistance to the French assimilative project, to absolutist ethnicisms and to abstract universalism, Creole cosmopolitanism imagines a world of trans-local solidarities, a way of being-in-the-world that acknowledges difference and diversity.

Pétrie d’injonctions à s’approprier le temps selon ses propres canons, la prévention semble ne prêter que peu d’attention à la pluralité des temps sociaux, ainsi qu’à leurs contextes de production et d’énonciation. Dans la mesure où les inégalités sociales de santé résident en partie dans la capacité de l’individu à mettre en pratique les normes préventives, et donc à agir aujourd’hui pour sa santé de demain, et où la pauvreté contribue à entraver la projection dans un à venir, nous avons (...) souhaité analyser les positionnements de personnes se trouvant dans différentes situations de précarité face aux discours préventifs et à l’entreprise de leurs propres projets de santé, tout en plaçant la « question » des rapports au temps au cœur de nos travaux. Aussi, selon les contextes socio-économiques, les ressources mobilisables, les perspectives d’ascension ou de déclassement social, les normes préventives ne sont pas appropriées et restituées de la même façon. Il ressort de cet article que sous des revendications apparemment communes, impulsées par le désir d’adhérer à la norme, s’inscrivent en réalité des motivations et des pratiques diverses, largement influencées par des régimes de temporalités socialement différenciés. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:At the Beginning, There was the MaskFrançoise Vergès (bio)There is a long history to be told about the links between the economy of extractivism and exhaustion, between colonialism, race, capitalism, imperialism, and breathing, which could be summarized as the "struggle against suffocation and for life." Colonialism (slavery and post-slavery), race, and capitalism are all about un-breathing, about the toxicity of social, cultural, sexual and "natural" environments, about silencing, erasing (...) voices, cutting tongues, forbidding speech, fabricating a deadly form of quietude, requiring mute consent to injustices and inequalities. They play on restricting human lungs and on colonizing the lungs of the planet. In their world, one no longer breathes freely, one can no longer finds her voice, one learns to whisper. It is not the whisper of underground resistance, of words circulating from mouth to mouth to signal where is the next refuge, the next sanctuary, the cache for arms, the false papers, the hidden routes of escape and marooning. It is the murmur of someone beaten and tortured until mad with pain, when breathing has become an ordeal.When we say, "We are suffocating" or "The air has become unbreathable!" we are not just talking of polluted air but of the feeling of living in a deleterious and asphyxiating political regime, which involves social censorship and self-censorship. Fear sets in, we only speak in hushed tones. Under such a regime, political order demands civilized speech, disciplined expression; the authorized music is "national," "military," patriarchal, or of a reinvented tradition. The joy must be measured and the words of the songs and public speech be neutral or to the glory of the regime. The authoritarian regime may even appropriate a song of freedom as its hymn, a bitter paradox where the words of freedom are confiscated to justify oppression. The body is corseted, the voice muzzled, the lungs function faintly, they transcribe our feelings in their rhythm, accelerating or slowing down. When songs and cries of freedom nonetheless arise, defying the regime of silencing and un-breathing, they sharply shatter the feeling of physical and psychic suffocation, the feeling that words remain in our throat, that our voice cannot come out. Suddenly, we catch our breath. We respire, inhale, exhale, fill our lungs. And we reconnect [End Page 54] ourselves with the etymological meaning of respire: from Latin re (again) and spirare itself from Latin spiritus "a breathing (respiration, and of the wind), breath; breath of a god," hence "inspiration; breath of life," hence "life," also "disposition, character; high spirit, vigor, courage" (Harper). Life, vigor, and courage, the breathing of the oppressed break down the politics of suffocation."I can't breathe" were the last words of George Floyd, not long before exhaling his last breath. When across the world, during 2020, people were shouting in many languages, "I can't breathe" using all their breath, they were, by the thousands, making their voices heard, rupturing the silencing of racism. "I can't breathe" became a breathing cry. Breathing became resistance. Singing collectively was breathing together. The song soars from thousands of breasts. The human voice, alone or collective carries an emotional force within it, vibrates sensually. But one may say, this has been, and can still be, the expression of fascism, of toxic masculinity and lynching mobs. When is breathing a revolutionary practice then? When we retrace the racial history of suffocation and breathing, of the colonial/ imperialist military noise vs. songs of freedom, of breathing as a politics toward humanizing the world. In other words, when we show how polluted air and noise are central elements in racial and gendered exploitation and how the antiracist struggle against pollution and suffocation is a struggle against racial capitalism. When we learn that recent medical research links air pollution to delayed cognitive development, stunted growth, and reduced lung capacity in children, we understand that the pretense of the universal right to childhood is a lie. Racism condemns Black, Indigenous and Brown children to premature death. According to the World Health Organization, more people are dying every year of polluted air than of any other cause. The role of air pollution in neurodegenerative diseases such as... (shrink)

In recent years, Frantz Fanon has become a major figure for theorists and artists working on the connections between race, representation, colonialism, and humanism in the English speaking world. It is not the case in France where the debate around race remains heavily indebted to an abstract universalism which tends to obscure the long history of race’s presence in French thought. Looking at the figure of the slave, Françoise Vergès explores its presence and absence in Fanon’s Black Skin, Whites Masks, (...) and in French philosophical and cultural discourse. She reads this presence/absence as a symptom of the incapacity to integrate race as essential in the elaboration of political discourse, and as a wish to deny how the imperial and colonial past continues to shape political life. This denial feeds the illusion that France has been disconnected from its imperial past, reducing racism to the machinations of strictly economic life. Françoise Vergès argues that we need to reintegrate the figure of the slave if we wish to go beyond race as a symbolic marker and explores what anti-colonialits thinkers used to call a new post-racial humanism. (shrink)

Les questions soulevées par la mondialisation aujourd'hui - migrations, multiculturalisme, différence culturelle, dialogues ou conflits interculturels - peuvent être analysées à la lumière de précédentes mondialisations. Dans cet article, Françoise Vergès évoque les relations Sud-Sud telles qu'elles se sont développées dans la longue durée du monde indiano-océanique pour parler des processus et des pratiques de « créolisation ». La longue histoire des migrations forcées ou provoquées par des bouleversements géopolitiques dans cette partie du monde offre un cadre d'analyse qui interroge (...) les présupposées des cartes mentales forgées par une histoire eurocentrée. Les routes Sud-Nord peuvent alors être comparées aux routes Sud-Sud ou Est-Sud, et les zones de contact qui émergent à celles qui se créent en Europe. Les phénomènes d'hybridité, de métissage, d'interculturalité, de créolisation sont à analyser dans leur évolution, transformation et reconfiguration.The issues raised by globalization today - migration, multiculturalism, cultural difference, intercultural conflicts or dialogues - can be analyzed in the light of previous globalizations. In this article, Françoise Vergès evokes the South-South relations as developed in the long-oceanic world indiano to discuss the processes and practices of "creolization". The long history of forced migration caused by geopolitical upheavals in this part of the world offers an analytical framework that interrogates the presupposed mental maps shaped by Eurocentric history. North-South routes can then be compared to roads South-South or East-South and emerging areas of contact to those created in Europe. Phenomena of hybridity, miscegenation, interculturality, creolization are analyzed in terms of evolution, transformation and reconfiguration. (shrink)

The general argument of this essay is that poetry is an everyday ambition and an everyday accomplishment. The evidence for this – a good bit of which I will amass enthusiastically in what follows – is everywhere in our language. I explore this according to three guiding intuitions: (i) people, at least some of the time, want to give their words a similar intensity or fullness and show the same skill in unleashing verbal power, as poets do – seeking words (...) that will carry their voices; (ii) people say things give me the same aesthetic bliss and ache of gratitude that poetry gives me; and (iii) there seems to be a poetic or aesthetic dimension to all of language, without which words would not have the significance for us that they do. I end the essay by saying why the poetry in our everyday speech complicates the relation between the ordinary and (different versions of) the extraordinary as other philosophers have imagined it. (shrink)

De tout temps, la philosophie a subi les assauts de ses détracteurs. On l'accuse d'être confuse, inutile puisque n'apportant pas de solutions à nos vies ou encore morte, car pensée par et pour les Anciens. Pourtant, par ses étonnements, ses questions et ses critiques, la philosophie ne cesse d'explorer ce qui fait la richesse de la condition humaine à travers la nature, Dieu, la conscience, la liberté ou l'histoire. La philosophie n'est donc pas là pour produire un savoir ni même (...) des savants. Elle est là, comme nous le montre l'auteur, pour que les hommes ne perdent pas leur âme à force de savoir. (shrink)

The central part of this article deals with the morality of secession. We present the three main "pure" theories about the morality of secession and suggest the greatest justifying power of an "impure" or mixed theory. At the same time, however, we advocate the need for a proper understanding of the question of the morality of secession. More specifically, we suggest that the best way to raise it is by introducing the notion of "reasonableness" into the question itself.

S'agissant de notre rapport à l'au-delà, nous sommes les jouets de nos images. Alors que l'on y croit, au fond, on finit par détruire cette " réalité " qu'est l'au-delà, en en faisant une réalité familière. Trop familière pour être encore l'au-delà. Mais il est possible de penser un rapport de l'homme à la mort qui n'abolisse ni la vie ni l'homme. Si tel est le cas, cela voudrait dire qu'il existe une possibilité inédite de vie, que nous ne soupçonnons (...) pas encore, donnant à penser l'au-delà au-delà de tout ce que nous pouvons penser encore à cet égard. (shrink)

En este artículo realizamos tres cosas. En primer lugar presentamos el ideal turístico de la autenticidad. En segundo lugar, nos preguntamos cómo se originó el ideal en cuanto tal –qué fuentes o ideas lo alimentaron. Finalmente, en tercer lugar, nos planteamos si el ideal turístico de la autenticidad es un ideal viable, verosímil, factible. A este respecto destacamos dos conjuntos de dificultades. A las primeras las llamamos _intrínsecas_, debido a que afectan a la misma idea de autenticidad. A las segundas (...) las llamamos _extrínsecas_, debido a que tienen que ver no tanto con el concepto mismo de autenticidad como con las condiciones o circunstancias económicas y sociales en las que el turismo despliega el ideal de autenticidad. (shrink)

El liberalisme polític és la ideologia o tradició política dominant de les nostres democràcies occidentals. Ho és tant des del punt de vista històric, pel que fa a les seves conquestes institucionals, com des del punt de vista del pensament, pel.