A sequence x=xn:nω of elements of a complete Boolean algebra converges to a priori if lim infx=lim supx=b. The sequential topology τs on is the maximal topology on such that x→b implies x→τsb, where →τs denotes the convergence in the space — the a posteriori convergence. These two forms of convergence, as well as the properties of the sequential topology related to forcing, are investigated. So, the a posteriori convergence is described in terms of killing of tall ideals on ω, (...) and it is shown that the a posteriori convergence is equivalent to the a priori convergence iff forcing by does not produce new reals. A property of c.B.a.’s, satisfying -cc -cc and providing an explicit definition of the a posteriori convergence, is isolated. Finally, it is shown that, for an arbitrary c.B.a. , the space is sequentially compact iff the algebra has the property and does not produce independent reals by forcing, and that implies P is the unique sequentially compact c.B.a. in the class of Suslin forcing notions. (shrink)

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school. It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality, bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny (...) and legacy of the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis school, who were identified as the protests? instigators and subsequently expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their?ethico-political unsuitability?. Under both international and domestic pressure, they were later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in Serbia - Dragoljub Micunovic as one of the founders of the modern Democratic Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Djindjic. Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day. (shrink)