ABSTRACT The paper critically evaluates Rahel Jaeggi’s concept of form of life. Particularly, it deals with the question of why one should want to criticize forms of life or society in the first place. While Jaeggi mentions issues of rationality and success, the paper refers to issues of suffering. Therefore, it introduces firstly the concept of pervasive doctrine, which aims at complementing, not at substituting, Jaeggi’s concept of form of life. A pervasive doctrine is composed by (1) a coherent system (...) of believes, by (2) a coherent set of values inspired by these believes, as well by a set of (3) norms and of (4) social practices organized around (1) and (2). It is pervasive insofar as it aims at explaining and regulating every aspect of the life of individuals and communities. The paper establishes, secondly, a connection between pervasive doctrines and systemic suffering, i.e. a suffering whose roots lie in the very way society is structured and the power relations within it that have been distributed along its history. Analysing the effects of pervasive doctrines in provoking systemic suffering is offered as a complementary critical strategy to the critique of forms of life provided by Jaeggi. (shrink)

The article reconstructs Habermas’ view of capitalism from the 1970s to his most recent writings. It takes its starting point from Wolfgang Streeck’s claim that Habermas has failed to acknowledge that the real enemy of democracy is not bureaucracy but capitalism and that, therefore, he underestimates the role of capitalism in shaping the global order. It first returns to the diagnoses of late capitalism that Habermas developed in the 1970s and early 1980s and then moves on to some of his (...) later writings. This will reveal that there was indeed a shift of emphasis from a critique of capitalism to a critique of technocracy, but not because of Habermas’ unawareness of the role of capitalism in shaping reality. Rather, he has come to objectify capitalism while looking for legal and political tools for reining it in instead of looking for possible alternatives to it. (shrink)

In this paper I shall deal with the question of whether a State-granted minimal income (which is not the same as a basic income) is a necessary condition in order for individuals (1) to attain a basic level of autonomy; and (2) to develop capabilities that allow them to improve the quality of their life. As a theoretical basis for my analysis I shall use Honneth’s theory of recognition, Sen’s capability approach (also in the version offered by Nussbaum), and Simmel’s (...) concept of independency as developed in his Philosophy of Money. A minimal income aims at guaranteeing not only the survival of the extremely poor (this could also be achieved by emergency programs), but also – in cooperation with other State programs such as education, medical and legal assistance etc – at enabling these individuals to be more independent from their social environment, where dependence often constitutes a strong obstacle to the development of their autonomy. The social and political inclusion of millions of people, both in threshold countries and in poor countries, depends upon the existence of such programs. (shrink)

In Alessandro Pinzanis Arbeit wird das Denken der Philosophen Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau und Kant als Basis genommen, um die Reflexion über die Beziehung von Individuum und Staat neu zu beleben. Nachgewiesen wird, dass die Positionen dieser Philosophen zugleich vier Denktraditionen entsprechen, die eine vierfache Wurzel moderner Demokratien bilden: Republikanismus, Liberalismus, radikale Demokratie und Konstitutionalismus. Sowohl der Bezug auf klassische Denker wie auch die Entgegensetzung der benannten Traditionen modernen politischen Denkens sind allerdings problematisch. Der Autor zeigt, dass gerade die Benutzung vergangener (...) Autoren und schemenhaft definierter Denktraditionen viele der Schwierigkeiten verursacht, die beim Versuch entstehen, die aktuellen Probleme unserer Demokratien zu begreifen, geschweige denn, zu lösen. Nach der sowohl ideengeschichtlichen als auch systematischen Auseinandersetzung mit den Konzeptionen der Klassiker politischer Philosophie wird im Buch die aktuelle Debatte über die Notwendigkeit politischer Tugenden bzw. der Annahme einer bestimmten politischen Haltung seitens der Bürger gegenwärtiger Demokratien vorgestellt. (shrink)

The paper defends that it is possible to offer a Kantian argument for justifying the introduction of Universal Basic Income (UBI). It first briefly presents Philippe van Parijs’ argument for UBI based on the concept of real freedom for all. In doing so, it will focus on its general structure and central insight, without entering too much into other issues like the economic feasibility of UBI. It second briefly presents Kant’s concept of external freedom and especially focuses on some of (...) its components to assess whether there is some closeness to van Parijs’ concept of real freedom. It further considers whether UBI is not only compatible with a Kantian position, but can be justified from such a position because it represents a tool for concretely realizing external freedom as presented in the _Doctrine of Right_ and for attaining the ethical ideal of virtuosity presented in the _Doctrine of Virtue_. (shrink)

The paper starts from an expression used by Kant in the Doctrine of Right: Beati possidentes. It then discusses Kant’s arguments for justifying the possession of land by individuals and by political community. Its main hypothesis is the following: If we consider unacceptable the application of the Beati possidentes principle on a global level, then we have a good reason to reject it also on the domestic level. It reaches this conclusion not by pointing out the undesirable consequences of the (...) principle, for this would be an empirical argument resulting from a consequentialist approach. Rather, it chooses a procedimental approach, showing that the way in which land was initially distributed was neither rightful on the domestic nor on the global level. (shrink)

Im Aufsatz wird auf die Rolle der drei pseudo-ulpianischen Regeln eingegangen, die in der Rechtslehre bei der „Allgemeinen Einteilung der Rechtspflichten“ auftauchen und verschiedene Probleme aufwerfen. Bisher wurden wenige Versuche einer genauen Definition und einer Beantwortung dieser Probleme unternommen. Dabei stellen diese Regeln einen wichtigen Schlüssel zum besseren Verständnis der ganzen Rechtslehre dar. Ihr systematischer Stellenwert bildet das Hauptthema dieser Abhandlung.

Este artigo pretende fazer algumas considerações preliminares e programáticas sobre a questão da cooperação entre filosofia política e ciências sociais empíricas; oferecer uma estratégia para chegar a uma definição de pobreza que independa de dados quantitativos específicos, embora aponte para a importância deles ; apontar para a necessidade de ouvir a voz dos pobres; mostrar as razões da exclusão política dos pobres. Obviamente não se pretende discutir tudo isso de forma exaustiva, mas somente indicar possíveis caminhos a serem explorados.The present (...) paper aims at presenting some preliminary and programmatic considerations on the question of the cooperation between political philosophy and empirical social sciences; offering a strategy to reach a definition of poverty that does not depend on specific quantitative data, while it recognizes their importance ; pointing at the necessity to hear the voice of the poor; showing the reasons for the political exclusion of the poor. Of course all this shall not be discussed in an exhaustive form, but only with the intention of indicating possible paths to be explored. (shrink)

This book examines the significance of Kant's moral philosophy in contemporary philosophical debates. It argues that Kant's philosophy can still serve as a guide to navigate the turbulence of a globalized world in which we are faced by an imprescriptible social reality wherein moral values and ethical life models are becoming increasingly unstable. The volume draws on Kantian ethics to discuss various contemporary issues including sustainable development, moral enhancement, sexism, and racism. It also tackles general concepts of practical philosophy such (...) as lying, the different kinds of moral duties, and the kind of motivation one needs for doing what we consider to be the right thing. Featuring readings by well-known Kant specialists and emerging scholars with unorthodox approaches to Kant's philosophy, the volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of philosophy, politics and ethics. It will also appeal to moral theorists, applied ethicists and environmental theorists. (shrink)

This book discusses the potential for Kant's political and juridical philosophy to shed light on current social challenges and policy. By considering Kant as a contemporary and not above moral responsibility, the authors explore his political theory as the philosophical foundation of human rights, discussing the right to citizenship, social dynamics and the scope of global justice. Focusing on topics such as society, Kant's position on human rights, domestic economic justice, public education and moral virtue, the authors analyse the shortcomings (...) of Kant's modes of thought and help the reader to gain new perspective both on this classical thinker and on more contemporary issues. (shrink)

This paper aims at explaining Kant’s concept of sovereignty as defined in the Doctrine of Right as well at showing its relation to the idea of republicanization and of political progress. Since Kant emphatically claims that sovereignty belongs solely to the united will of the people but, at the same time, does not want the people to intervene directly in the process of decision making, we shall distinguish between the real and the actual sovereign , as well between a synchronic (...) and a diachronic concept both of the “united will” and of “the people”. By doing this, it will become clear in what sense Kant claims that every republic is necessarily a representative political system. (shrink)

This paper argues that Kant’s project of a metaphysics of morals represents a normative ideal grounded on the core ideas of Enlightenment. In the first section, it analyzes Kant’s concept of metaphysical principles of morals by establishing a connection between a metaphysics of morals and Kant’s concept of metaphysics in general and of metaphysics of nature in particular. It then discusses what is metaphysical in the Doctrine of Right and the Doctrine of Virtue. In its last section, it tackles the (...) question of whether a non-metaphysical reading of Kant’s doctrines of right and of virtue is desirable if we want to remain faithful to Kant’s Enlightenment project. (shrink)

This paper departs from the assumption that the critique of neoliberalism should not restrict itself to a criticism of an economic project. Another possible criticism of neoliberalism consists of a critique of how this specific form of life forms subjects. In this paper, we argue that a critique of a form of life is only justified in a reasonable way if it starts from the experiences of suffering produced by this form of life. As we will show, we must criticise (...) neoliberalism not because it is inadequate for solving problems, since for a specific portion of the world population it has been extremely effective, but because it causes suffering. Suffering, unlike mere unsolved problems, represents sufficient grounds for highlighting the existence of a normative problem in a form of life. According to Max Horkheimer, the first step of a critical project committed to the transformation of a form of life are the crises of the present, which are not fully understood through the theoretical tools of “problem solving” or “learning processes”, as Rahel Jaeggi resorts to in her critical theory of society. (shrink)

The paper discusses the role of solidarity in post-conventional society and shows how solidarity is intertwined with the concept of individual autonomy and its guarantee through fundamental rights. The starting point will be offered by two mental experiments introduced by Joel Feinberg and Eamonn Callann; further we shall consider the definition of solidarity given by Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth; finally some remarks on the concept of individual autonomy shall be discussed.

In this paper, I defend that the concept of systemic suffering represents a useful tool for social criticism. I shall first make some preliminary methodological remarks (1) and present different meanings that have been attributed to the concept of social suffering (2). I will then suggest that we adopt the concept of systemic suffering instead (3). The next step consists in showing how this form of suffering is connected to the existence of non-material aspects that contribute to social reproduction and (...) that can be defined as systemic doctrines (4). Finally, I shall offer some remarks on possible strategies for criticizing systemic suffering (5). (shrink)

Presentation to the special issue on Kant's Metaphysics of Morals.

Ernst Tugendhat is one of the most important living German philosophers. He was born in Brno in 1930 to a Jewish family. In 1938 the Tugendhatshad to leave the country because of the threat represented by Nazi Germany. They emigrated first toSwitzerland, then to Caracas, Venezuela. After classical studies at Stanford University ,Ernst Tugendhat moved to Germany in order to study philosophy in Freiburg and Münster . He became an assistant professor in Tübingen before getting a professorship in Heidelberg. He (...) worked at the Max-Plack-Institut zurErforschung der Lebensbedingungen der wissenschaftlich-technischen Welt , spend some years in Chile and was a professor at the FreieUniversität Berlin till his retirement. He was and still is visiting professor in universities in Europe aswell as in North and South America. Among his many books: Vorlesungen zur Einführung in diesprachanalytische Philosophie, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1976; Selbstbewusstsein undSelbstbestimmung, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1979; Probleme der Ethik, Stuttgart: Reclam, 1984;Vorlesungen über Ethik, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1993, and Egozentrizität und Mystik. Eineanthropologische Studie, München: Beck, 2003. (shrink)

The essay deals with the debate between neo-republicans and liberals. It discusses particularly the positions of Quentin Skinner, Philip Pettit and Maurizio Viroli. While not operating an exhaustive critical examination of the positions of these three thinkers, it focusses an aspect they have in common: the idea that the republican tradition stays in an irreducible conflict with the liberal tradition and with a certain conception of democracy. The essay analizes briefly the three main concepts of republicanism also in order to (...) point out to some historical and theoretical problems. It further compares the position of republican thinkers with the position of the liberal-democratic tradition which is their main target of their critics. In this context the essay introduces a further position which the neo-republicans quite curiously leave aside: constitutionalism. (shrink)

En este artículo intervengo en la discusión sobre si es posible encontrar en la filosofía política de Kant una fundamentación de los derechos sociales básicos. Me centraré en primer lugar en dar sentido a la idea de una doctrina metafísica del derecho. En segundo lugar, trataré de mostrar dónde se encuentran los límites de la doctrina metafísica del derecho de Kant a la hora de debatir sobre la forma en que la sociedad debe o debía organizarse (en los tiempos actuales, (...) pero también en la época de Kant). Por último, esbozaré rutas alternativas para usar el enfoque metafísico de Kant con el fin de abordar cuestiones de justicia social, en particular, el tema de la pobreza. (shrink)

Presentation to the special issue on Kant's Metaphysics of Morals.

The paper is structured into four parts. Firstly I discuss the connection between the concept of injustice and the idea of human or individual rights. The claim is quite trivial: the language of rights has been and is still used as a strategy to demand correctives against injustice. Since this strategy has negative effects, of which concrete examples are given, I suggest a different grammar be adopted, the grammar of needs, which is what societies adopt in their justificatory discourses anyway. (...) This leads into a consideration of how social criticism could start precisely from such discourses and why, under specific circumstances, the grammar of needs could represent a better strategy for this criticism than the language of rights does. (shrink)

O livro de Milene Tonetto é mais ambicioso do que o título poderia deixar pensar. Longe de limitar-se a uma exposição da temática dos direitos humanos nos dois autores em questão, o texto representa uma contribuição importante à discussão acerca dos fundamentos do direito em Kant e da relação entre direito e moral na obra deste pensador, assim como à discussão acerca da fundamentação do direito oferecida por Habermas.

The paper is a commentary on Christoph Horn’s paper The Concept of Justice. It criticizes Horn’s claim that justice is overrated in contemporary philosophical debate by discussing Horn’s arguments. In doing so, it questions (1) the idea that we can easily distinguish between morally central and peripheral questions, as Horn claims; it points out (2) that this distinction is based on the values held by those who are drawing it; and finally (3) it stresses the centrality of the feeling of (...) outrage provoked by the action whose acceptability is being challenged. Finally, it claims that morality arises from the experience of injustice and, therefore, that questions of justice are not only morally central; they are, rather, essential to morality. (shrink)

O artigo tece algumas considerações sobre o chamado constitucionalismo da efetividade ou neoconstitucionalismo, limitando-se, contudo a discutir seus aspetos teóricos, sem analisar casos concretos. Primeiramente são apresentados de forma sucinta os princípios centrais do neoconstitucionalismo, em particular na formulação de Luis Prieto Sanchís; em seguida, são avançadas algumas considerações a partir das observações de alguns dos seus críticos, em particular Juan García Amado. As teses destes dois autores são complementadas com algumas observações do autor e de outros autores, que insistem (...) sobre aspectos relevantes para nossa discussão. (shrink)

O presente texto tenta oferecer uma fundamentação dos direitos sociais quer a partir de uma perspectiva neoliberal, quer a partir de uma visão mais substantiva de cidadania. Ao mesmo tempo, contudo, será salientada a diferença entre as duas posições apresentadas e defendida a segunda. Na primeira parte será discutira a noção hayekiana de Grande Sociedade, que representa um avatar da ideia de sociedade característica da tradição liberal. Em seguida, se chegará a uma visão mais substantiva e robusta da sociedade organizada (...) politicamente na forma-Estado e se mostrará a necessidade de políticas de inclusão, entendida não somente em sentido socioeconômico, mas também em sentido político e civil. A tese central é a de que a garantia de direitos sociais amplos é necessária quer para a estabilidade da sociedade, quer para legitimar as instituições de tal sociedade. (shrink)

Partindo da recente renascença da tradição republicana, o presente trabalho aponta para a pluralidade de tal tradição, para em seguida distinguir entre dois tipos de solução que ela oferece aos problemas da salvaguarda da república e do controle dos efeitos negativos das ações dos indivíduos, a saber, a solução internalista e a solução externalista. Ao analisar esta última, serão discutidas questões como: a ficção democrática do “one head, one vote” e a relação entre poder político e poder econômico e social. (...) PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Republicanismo. Democracia. Poder. Madison. ABSTRACT Taking the recent renaissance of the republican tradition as a starting point, this paper points out to the plurality of this tradition and makes a distinction between the two kinds of solution this tradition gives to the problems of saving the republic and of controlling the negative effects of individual actions: the internalist and the externalist solution. Focusing on the latter, we’ll discuss questions such as: the democratic fiction of “one head, one vote” and the relationship between political power and socioeconomic power. KEY WORDS – Republicanism. Democracy. Power. Madison. (shrink)

Armut wird allgemein als ein Zustand aufgefasst, in dem die Menschen nicht imstande sind, ihre Grundbedürfnisse zureichend zu befriedigen. Obwohl diese allgemein verbreitete Vorstellung der komplexen, vielseitigen Natur von Armut nicht gerecht wird, kommt ihr eine gewisse Berechtigung insofern zu, dass in Armut lebende Menschen meistens nicht imstande sind, sich adäquat zu ernähren und zu kleiden, oder dass sie prekär wohnen – wenigstens im Vergleich mit anderen Mitgliedern ihrer Gesellschaft. Nichtsdestotrotz steht der Begriff von Bedürfnis kaum im Zentrum der wichtigsten (...) Theorien sozialer Gerechtigkeit der letzten fünfzig Jahre. (shrink)

Otfried Höffes neuestes Buch zum Thema, Demokratie in der heutigen Welt“ – ein Thema, dem der Tübinger Sozialphilosoph schon die vorausgegangenen Bände Demokratie im Zeitalter der Globalisierung und Wirstschaftsbürger, Staatsbürger, Weltbürger gewidmet hatte – stellt einen wichtigen Versuch dar, die Frage der Zukunftsfähigkeit der Demokratie zu beantworten.

O artigo trata de um déficit teórico presente no pensamento neo-republicano dos últimos anos, a saber a falta de qualquer discurso relativo à concentração de poder econômico e político nas mãos de uma minoria. Depois de uma breve exposição de algumas variantes do republicanismo contemporâneo , se analisam algumas críticas formuladas por Robert Dahl e Kenneth Baynes . Finalmente, são consideradas as posições de Robert Putnam e Benjamin Barber, a fim de desenvolver algumas considerações sobre a questão de se a (...) responsabilidade pela crise atual da democracia deva ser procurada nas atitudes e nos hábitos individuais, ou, antes, em fatores impessoais como os arranjos institucionais e o contexto social, econômico e político no qual os indivíduos se encontram .This paper is about a theoretical deficit in the neo-republican thought of the last years, namely: the lackof any consideration for the concentration of economic and political power in the hand of a minority.After a short exposition of some versions of contemporary republicanism , the paper will analyzesome critiques advanced by Robert Dahl and Kenneth Baynes . Finally it will consider the positionsof Robert Putnam and Benjamin Barber in order to develop some remarks on the question whether theresponsibility for the present crisis of democracy is to be sought in individual attitudes and habits orrather in impersonal factors such as institutional arrangements and the social, economic, and politicalcontext individuals live in. (shrink)

The paper aims at analyzing some Wagnerian figures in order to show that the influence of Schopenhauer’s philosophy on Wagner is not as strong as commonly held – at least not in his operas. The figures that shall be considered are: Wotan and Brünnhilde, Tristan and Isolde, and finally Parsifal, who appears to be the only Schopenhauerian character of all.

The paper is a commentary on Christoph Horn’s paper The Concept of Justice. It criticizes Horn’s claim that justice is overrated in contemporary philosophical debate by discussing Horn’s arguments. In doing so, it questions (1) the idea that we can easily distinguish between morally central and peripheral questions, as Horn claims; it points out (2) that this distinction is based on the values held by those who are drawing it; and finally (3) it stresses the centrality of the feeling of (...) outrage provoked by the action whose acceptability is being challenged. Finally, it claims that morality arises from the experience of injustice and, therefore, that questions of justice are not only morally central; they are, rather, essential to morality. (shrink)