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Alex Gourevitch [10]Alexander Gourevitch [1]
  1. Labor Republicanism and the Transformation of Work.Alex Gourevitch - 2013 - Political Theory 41 (4):0090591713485370.
    In the nineteenth century a group of “labor republicans” argued that the system of wage-labor should be replaced by a system of cooperative production. This system of cooperative production would realize republican liberty in economic, not just political, life. Today, neo-republicans argue that the republican theory of liberty only requires a universal basic income. A non-dominated ability to exit is sufficient to guarantee free labor. This essay reconstructs the more radical, labor republican view and defends it against the prevailing the (...)
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  2.  42
    Debt, Freedom, and Inequality.Alex Gourevitch - 2012 - Philosophical Topics 40 (1):135-151.
    In contemporary society, private debt has substituted for other ways of financing the consumption of basic social goods like housing, education, and medical care. This is at least partially due to increased inequality, which has allowed costs to rise faster than median incomes, as well as due to stagnating public provisions. Debt-financed access to basic goods is problematic because it creates new kinds of unfreedom and undermines the value of the freedoms that the indebted do manage to keep or acquire. (...)
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  3.  44
    Labor and Republican Liberty.Alex Gourevitch - 2011 - Constellations 18 (3):431-454.
  4.  57
    Liberty and its Economies.Alex Gourevitch - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (4):365-390.
    The revival of classical liberal thought has reignited a debate about economic freedom and social justice. Classical liberals claim to defend expansive economic freedom, while their critics wish to restrict this freedom for other values. However, there are two problems with the role ‘economic freedom’ plays in this debate: inconsistency in the use of the concept and indeterminacy with respect to its definition. Inconsistency in the use of the concept ‘freedom’ has mistakenly made a certain kind of ‘left-wing’ critique of (...)
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  5.  55
    Welcome to the Dark Side: A Classical-Liberal Argument for Economic Democracy.Alex Gourevitch - 2014 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 26 (3-4):290-305.
    ABSTRACTJohn Tomasi's Free Market Fairness claims to provide a principled defense of classical-liberal institutions. Respect for the development of our moral powers or “self-authorship,” according to Tomasi, requires that we make certain economic liberties basic, including freedom of contract and the right to accumulate property. Yet Tomasi's principles and his institutions are at odds. Tomasi has provided ethical grounds for defending not classical-liberal but radical-democratic, even socialist, economic freedoms. This is most vivid in Tomasi's account of the “liberties of working.” (...)
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  6.  12
    Strikes, civil rights, and radical disobedience: From King to Debs and back.Alex Gourevitch - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory:1-22.
    Recent scholarship has insisted on a more historically attentive approach to civil disobedience. This article follows their lead by arguing that the dominant understanding of civil disobedience relies on a conceptual confusion and a historical mistake. Conceptually, the literature fails to distinguish between violating a law and defying the authority of a legal order. Historically, the literature misreads the exemplary case of Martin Luther King Jr. in Birmingham, Alabama. When read in its proper context, we can see King was not (...)
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  7. Liberty and Democratic Insurgency : The Republican Case for the Right to Strike.Alex Gourevitch - 2019 - In Yiftah Elazar & Geneviève Rousselière (eds.), Republicanism and the Future of Democracy. Cambridge University Press.
  8.  12
    William Manning and the Political Theory of the Dependent Classes.Alex Gourevitch - 2012 - Modern Intellectual History 9 (2):331-360.
    This article reappraises the political ideas of William Manning, and through him the trajectory of early modern republicanism. Manning, an early American farmer writing in the 1780s and 1790s, developed the republican distinction between and into a novel On this theory, it is the dependent, laboring classes who share an interest in social equality. Because of this interest, they are the only ones who can achieve and maintain republican liberty. With this identification of the interests of the dependent classes with (...)
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  9.  1
    Themselves Must Strike the Blow.Alex Gourevitch - 2020 - Philosophical Topics 48 (2):105-129.
    Socialists know that they ought to defend strikes, but why? The best argument is that strikes are acts of self-emancipation. The ideal of self-emancipation lies at the heart of socialist political theory. It is up to workers to emancipate themselves, not just because it takes class power to overthrow capitalism, but because there is an intrinsic connection between class struggle and socialist freedom. Workers can only possess and exercise the freedoms they are denied, but ought to enjoy, if they demand (...)
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  10.  8
    The Labor Question in America: Economic Democracy in the Gilded Age, Rosanne Currarino, Champaign, IL.: University of Illinois Press, 2011.Alex Gourevitch - 2013 - Historical Materialism 21 (2):179-190.
    It is said we live in a second Gilded Age, which makes our understanding of the first all the more relevant. Rosanne Currarino’sThe Labor Question in Americamakes the bold claim that, far from being a period of defeat for the Left, the original Gilded Age saw an expansion of democratic citizenship. A group of economists, social reformers and labour organisers transformed our understanding of political participation from the earlier, producerist to a more modern, consumerist ideal of social inclusion and collective (...)
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