According to a libidinally charged slogan, Social Networking Services are meant to give "people the power to share and make the world more open and connected." But does the digital act of sharing personal information – invested in so many of the New Social Media – make such internet domains a public realm? What characterizes actually the public according to classical political theory, and what sort of performances become visible in digital fora under the banners of interactivity, friendship and an (...) alleged dissolution of boundaries? Against the background of increasingly elastic borders between things considered private and spaces declared public as well as of a remarkable spectrum of modes of sharing – ranging from disclosing daily trivia to collectively expressing political dissent – our contribution will examine the ambivalence of sharing in Social Net-working Services, not least in Facebook, in terms of a paradoxical nexus of passions and risks. (shrink)

Publications of the series include the official proceedings of the ALWS-conferences and of their special workshops. The series is open also for other high-quality publications, especially on the philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein and its influence on contemporary analytic philosophy.

Zusammenfassung: Die für diesen Schwerpunkt ausgewählten Beiträge setzen sich aus sachlich, methodologisch sowie disziplinär vielfältigen Perspektiven mit dem Thema der Grenze, der Grenzziehung und des Grenzregimes auseinander. Während Grenzen in der normativen politischen Philosophie und Theorie kaum als eigenständiges Problem behandelt bzw. zumeist traditionell, d. h. als für territorial verankerte staatliche Zuständigkeitsbereiche konstitutive statische Trennlinien begriffen werden, wird in den hier versammelten Texten der Versuch unternommen, diese präziser und detaillierter in ihrer gegenwärtigen Gestalt und Wirkungsweise zu bestimmen, um auf dieser (...) Grundlage alternative grenztheoretische Modelle zu entwickeln. Im Zentrum steht dabei die Frage, in welcher Weise sich die zunehmende Beweglichkeit von Grenzen – eine Beweglichkeit, die nicht nur neu konfigurierten politisch-rechtlichen Maßnahmen und Institutionen, sondern auch neuen Kontrolltechnologien geschuldet ist – auf das Verständnis von staatlicher Souveränität, von demokratischer Legitimität oder von Menschenrechten auswirkt. In dieser Einleitung werden zum einen einige maßgebliche rezente Grenzziehungsphänomene erörtert, die im Licht der Covid-19-Pandemie in besonderer Deutlichkeit zutage treten; zum anderen werden Grundzüge eines veränderten politiktheoretischen Nachdenkens über Grenzen skizziert. Daneben werden die sieben Beiträge des Schwerpunkts überblicksartig vorgestellt. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Beyond Rivalry?Rethinking Community in View of Apocalyptical ViolenceAndreas Oberprantacher (bio)But the republic of crime must also be the republic of the suicide of criminals, and down to the last among them—the sacrifice of the sacrificers unleashed in passion.—Jean-Luc Nancy, The Inoperative CommunityThe Crisis and Apocalyptic Intensification of RivalryAt first it seemed as if the "rivalry between two rates of speed"1 set at the center of Derrida's essay "No Apocalypse, (...) Not Now," published more than twenty years ago in Diacritics, had finally come to an end, at least in the form of a general and unmistakable division of the world into two competing geopolitical units. Following the breakdown of the USSR, the former super-enemy of the industrialized Northwest, that part of the world that claimed and still claims to be the sole referent of the adjective free, the dynamics of ideological rivalry had, at first, lost considerable momentum. After half a century of mostly symmetrical even if undeclared wars, the period from 1989 to 1991 was truly significant, [End Page 175] for it marked a moment of epistemological crisis, a moment when political fractions that derived their identity from a binary tension were all of a sudden stunned: no visible enemy anymore to deter, no willing scapegoat to blame, just eschatological abandonment.The aftershocks of this historical event can be traced in today's commentaries on and analyses of the political situation: It is certainly no coincidence that two of the most influential US-American political analysts, Samuel Huntington and Bruce Hoffman, both at the same time direct their attention toward questions about the conditions of social identity and cohesion, though from inverted perspectives. In his recent book, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity (2004), Huntington bemoans the "deconstruction of the American identity,"2 as it challenges—along with certain political developments—"the substance, and the desirability of this concept of America."3 Huntington's fervent interest in US-American identity and his call for its renewal become readily comprehensible when read against the background of his concern that an existential threat might again be imminent, possibly in the form of jihadist terrorism. In Huntington's argument, however, the United States's potential confrontation with militant Islamist movements—the explicit subtext of his book—is not assessed only in terms of political risks and military expenditures; for Huntington, this confrontation also holds out a unique chance of rediscovering one's own (lost, forgotten) identity. Revealing himself as an attentive reader of Carl Schmitt's The Concept of the Political, Huntington argues that "the absence of an ideological threat produced an absence of purpose.... The ideal enemy for America would be ideologically hostile, racially and culturally different, and militarily strong enough to pose a credible threat to American security."4While Huntington is concerned with reaffirming and securing a phantasmagoric vision of the United States's past glory, Hoffman, on the other hand, may be mentioned as a political analyst deeply worried about the inverse aspect of the epistemological crisis, i.e., worried by the fact that "the United States has utterly failed to fulfill the timeless admonition to 'know your enemy'"5 by declaring an all too abstract global war on terrorism. In his commentary, published in March 2007 under the title "Fighting Blind: We Can't Win if We Don't Know the Enemy" in the Washington Post, he argues that a long-term strategy is desperately needed to identify "our adversaries, who are much too elusive and complicated to be vanquished by mere decapitation."6Taking Huntington's and Hoffman's positions seriously as paradigmatic examples of a wider and well-established discursive strategy that calls for a renewed need for binary-opposed collective identities—us/them; the coalition [End Page 176] of the willing/the axis of evil—in order to affirm a state of potentially ubiquitous and highly moralized rivalry, one may well argue with Schmitt that "a new nomos of the earth" is immanent.7 In Schmitt's understanding, such a new paradigm of warfare will no longer be characterized by relative understandings of enmity, but by enemies declared "totally criminal... (shrink)

Die Frage, was es besagt und impliziert, Mensch zu sein, ist sowohl für die Philosophie als auch für die Gesellschaft eine fundamentale. Zugleich läuft sie Gefahr, mit Floskeln beantwortet zu werden. Auch heute stellen sich verschiedene Fragen zum Menschsein: Lässt sich die Menschheit biologisch oder in ihren Lebensformen von anderen Spezies oder künstlichen Wesen sinnvoll abgrenzen? Worin unterscheiden sich Menschen von Personen? Sind etwa Sprachfähigkeit oder der freie Wille wesentliche Merkmale des Menschseins? Diese und weitere Fragen wurden im Rahmen des (...) 10. Kongresses der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für Philosophie intensiv diskutiert. Dieser Sammelband präsentiert eine Auswahl der Beiträge. (shrink)

This book explores, discusses, and assesses the actual and potential sense of subjectivation in a variety of contexts. In particular, it reflects the genealogies, connections, variations, and practical implications of various theories of subjectivity and subjection while providing an up-to-date and authoritative account of how to engage with the 'subject'. Rather than addressing the 'subject' merely in theoretical terms, this book explores subjectivation as a seminal expression of subjective practices in the plural. To the extent that subjectivity and subjection are (...) key terms in a plurality of discourses and for a number of disciplines, Subjectivation in Political Theory and Contemporary Practices advances a trans-disciplinary reading by taking into account relevant debates that stretch from poststructuralism via postfordism to postdemocracy. In this sense, the book introduces readers to current approaches to subjectivation by displacing conventional understandings and suggesting unexpected reformulations. (shrink)