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Ben Cross
Wuhan University'
Benjamin James Cross
University of Leeds
  1.  21
    Radicalizing realist legitimacy.Ben Cross - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (4):369-389.
    Several critics of realist theories of political legitimacy have alleged that it possesses a problematic bias towards the status quo. This bias is thought to be reflected in the way in which these...
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  2. Deception by topic choice: How discussion can mislead without falsehood.Ben Cross - 2021 - Metaphilosophy 52 (5):696-709.
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  3.  12
    How radical is radical realism?Ben Cross - 2022 - European Journal of Philosophy 30 (3):1110-1124.
    European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  4.  13
    How radical is radical realism?Ben Cross - 2022 - European Journal of Philosophy 30 (3):1110-1124.
    European Journal of Philosophy, Volume 30, Issue 3, Page 1110-1124, September 2022.
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  5.  14
    Normativity and Radical Disadvantage in Bernard Williams’ Realist Theory of Legitimacy.Ben Cross - 2022 - Journal of Value Inquiry 56 (3):379-393.
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  6. Moral Philosophy, Moral Expertise, and the Argument from Disagreement.Ben Cross - 2016 - Bioethics 30 (3):188-194.
    Several recent articles have weighed in on the question of whether moral philosophers can be counted as moral experts. One argument denying this has been rejected by both sides of the debate. According to this argument, the extent of disagreement in modern moral philosophy prevents moral philosophers from being classified as moral experts. Call this the Argument From Disagreement. In this article, I defend a version of AD. Insofar as practical issues in moral philosophy are characterized by disagreement between moral (...)
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  7.  38
    Naturalist Political Realism and the First Political Question.Ben Cross - 2018 - Ratio 31 (S1):81-95.
    Many political realists reject the idea that the first task for political philosophy is to justify the existence of coercive political institutions. Instead, they say, we should begin with the factual existence of CPIs, and ask how they ought to be structured. In holding this view, they adopt a form of political naturalism that is broadly Aristotelian in character. In this article, I distinguish between two forms that this political naturalism might take - what I call a ‘strong’ form, and (...)
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  8.  59
    “Offensiphobia” is a Red Herring: On the Problem of Censorship and Academic Freedom.Ben Cross & Louise Richardson-Self - 2019 - The Journal of Ethics 24 (1):31-54.
    In a recent article, J. Angelo Corlett criticises what he takes to be the ‘offensiphobic’ practices characteristic of many universities. The ‘offensiphobe’, according to Corlett, believes that offensive speech ought to be censured precisely because it offends. We argue that there are three serious problems with Corlett’s discussion. First, his criticism of ‘offensiphobia’ misrepresents the kinds of censorship practiced by universities; many universities may in some way censure speech which they regard as offensive, but this is seldom if ever a (...)
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  9.  9
    Participation and legitimacy in Chinese environmental politics: a realist approach.Ben Cross - 2021 - Journal of Global Ethics 17 (1):55-70.
    Recent empirical literature suggests that some of the most prominent environmental policies that the Chinese government has pursued have involved at least some measure of participation from citizen...
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  10.  39
    Rawlsian Liberalism, Justice for the Worst Off, and the Limited Capacity of Political Institutions.Ben Cross - 2016 - Sophia 55 (2):215-236.
    This article argues that Rawlsian liberal political institutions are incapable of ensuring that the basic welfare needs of the worst off are met. This argument consists of two steps. First, I show that institutions are incapable of ensuring that the basic needs of the worst off are met without pursuing certain non-taxation-based courses of action that are designed to alter the work choices of citizens. Second, I argue that such actions are not permissible for Rawlsian institutions. It follows that a (...)
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  11.  32
    Analysing political deception: The virtues of Bernard Williams' anti‐tyranny argument.Ben Cross - 2019 - European Journal of Philosophy 27 (2):324-336.
    European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  12.  25
    Why Inconclusiveness is a Problem for Public Reason.Ben Cross & Thomas M. Besch - 2019 - Law and Philosophy 38 (4):407-432.
    Most theorists of public reason, including both its proponents and critics, now accept that it is inconclusive, meaning that its correct application can result in a plurality of reasonable solutions to the issues it addresses. While some early critics argued that the inconclusiveness of public reason presented a serious problem for political legitimacy – a charge often associated with ‘the completeness objection’ – defenders of public reason have generally dismissed this objection on the grounds that political legitimacy does not hinge (...)
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  13.  9
    Taking rulers' interests seriously: the case for realist theories of legitimacy.Ben Cross - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    In this article I defend a new argument against moralist theories of legitimacy and in favour of realist theories. Moralist theories, I argue, are vulnerable to ideological and wishful thinking because they do not connect the demands of legitimacy with the interests of rulers. Realist theories, however, generally do manage to make this connection. This is because satisfying the usual realist criteria for legitimacy – the creation of a stable political order that transcends brute coercion – is usually necessary for (...)
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  14.  5
    Performance legitimacy for realists.Ben Cross - forthcoming - Philosophy East and West.
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  15.  24
    Public Reason and the Exclusion of Oppressed Groups.Ben Cross - 2017 - Dialogue 56 (2):241-265.
    The ‘consensus’ model of public reason, associated with John Rawls’s political liberalism, has been criticised for excluding certain reasons from receiving consideration where the justification of the constitutional essentials is concerned. One limitation of these criticisms is that they typically focus on the exclusion of reasons political liberals are committed to excluding, notably reasons based on religious and comprehensive views. I argue that public reason excludes some reasons, central to the interests of many oppressed groups, that public reason advocates will (...)
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  16.  7
    Correction to: “Offensiphobia” is a Red Herring: On the Problem of Censorship and Academic Freedom.Ben Cross & Louise Richardson‑Self - 2022 - The Journal of Ethics 26 (2):337-338.
  17.  8
    Deliberative systems theory and activism.Ben Cross - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (6):866-883.
  18.  19
    Autonomy and moral deference.Ben Cross - 2017 - South African Journal of Philosophy 36 (2):278-291.
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  19.  12
    Deliberative systems theory and activism.Ben Cross - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-18.
  20.  2
    Taking rulers' interests seriously: the case for realist theories of legitimacy.Ben Cross - forthcoming - Sage Publications: European Journal of Political Theory.
    European Journal of Political Theory, Ahead of Print. In this article I defend a new argument against moralist theories of legitimacy and in favour of realist theories. Moralist theories, I argue, are vulnerable to ideological and wishful thinking because they do not connect the demands of legitimacy with the interests of rulers. Realist theories, however, generally do manage to make this connection. This is because satisfying the usual realist criteria for legitimacy – the creation of a stable political order that (...)
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  21.  5
    Intolerance and Argument Expression in advance.Ben Cross - forthcoming - Social Theory and Practice.
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  22.  4
    Intolerance and Argument Expression.Ben Cross - 2019 - Social Theory and Practice 45 (3):329-352.
    Most philosophers seem to think that argument expression is not normally a form of intolerance. Call this the ‘argument-friendly view’ of intolerance. In this article, I argue that the case for the argument-friendly view is much weaker than commonly thought. I consider three possible arguments for the argument-friendly view and conclude that all three fail. This leaves us with a choice: either reject the argument-friendly view, or accept it as a feature of the concept of tolerance which has no rational (...)
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