English summary: The Medieval controversies that opposed the defenders of laicism to the papacy have been well-studied by historians of political thought. However, these discussions so far have neglected the question of the relationship between laicism and philosophy in the Middle Ages. To integrate this dimension into the history of philosophy, this volume closely examines the modes of instruction used by churchmen to teach lay persons and, inversely, the appropriation of philosophy by laicists. French description: Les querelles medievales qui opposerent (...) les defenseurs du pouvoir laique a la Papaute ont ete bien etudiees par les historiens de la pensee politique. Ces debats n'epuisent cependant pas la question du rapport entre laicite et philosophie au Moyen Age. A l'age scolastique, l'importance sociale et politique de l'Eglise implique aussi un monopole culturel. Pour integrer cette donnee a l'histoire de la philosophie, il vaut la peine d'examiner de plus pres l'instruction des laics par les clercs et, inversement, l'appropriation de la philosophie par les laics: les politiques culturelles et les productions des clercs a destination des laics, ainsi que les attentes, les receptions, les elaborations et les pretentions laiques a l'egard des savoirs philosophiques. Une telle enquete acquiert aussitot une dimension reflexive. Elle questionne la specificite de la philosophie comme discipline et comme contenu. En ses contenus, en ses fins et en ses formes, la philosophie varie en fonction de ses auteurs, de ses destinataires supposes et de ses lecteurs reels. (shrink)

This book investigates how, from the seventeenth century onward, philosophers, philologists and historians described various world "cultures", colonized the past (or national pasts), and thus invented Europe's philosophical nature. In the recent past, critical discussions concerning notions such as "cultural area" and "area studies", as well as their relativizations by means of conceptions that avoid splitting clearly identified areas (inter alia, "third space", "hybridity", "diaspora", or "cosmopolitism"), drew attention to the long history of cultural territorialization. This book attempts to open (...) the history of philosophy to reflexive and globalizing tendencies elaborated in the field of "world history". From the seventeenth century onward, in both modern Europe and North America, historical sciences - notably philosophical historiography and cultural history - colonized both the past (or national pasts) and the "rest" of the world. The contributions gathered in the present volume address both phenomena to the extent that they have been linked with modern historicization of philosophy, sciences, and culture. (shrink)

Entre 1150 et 1280, le monde latin herite de la totalite de l'oeuvre d'Aristote par la biais d'une vaste entreprise de traductions du grec et de l'arabe, accompagnee d'interpretations arabes et neoplatoniciennes, et se trouve ainsi confronte a de nouvelles theories face auxquelles il s'agit de mettre en place des strategies d'assimiltation. Par l'etude des textes, ce livre restaure le temoignage de ces entreprises relativement aux lectures arabes de la Metaphysique et a la notion de matiere. Ou l'on voit qu'a (...) Paris, des disputes se mettent en place pour debattre sur les notions d'etre et d'essence, de temporalite et d'historicite du monde, de possibilite des choses et du statut des relations. Sont egalement abordees les difficultes theoriques que rencontrent les lecteurs latins face aux textes aristoteliciens, de Thomas d'Aquin a Guillaume d'Ockham, pour en mettre les principes au service de leur cosmogonie et de leur anthropologie. (shrink)

This book focuses on the emergence and development of philosophical historiography as a university discipline in the 18th and 19th centuries. During that period historians of philosophy evaluated medieval philosophical theories through the lenses of modern leitmotifs and assigned to medieval thinkers positions within an imaginary map of cultural identities based on the juxtaposition of 'self' and 'other'. Some medieval philosophers were regarded as 'forerunners' who had constructively paved the way for modern rationality; whereas others, viewed as 'outsiders', had contributed (...) to the same effect by way of their struggle against established forms of philosophy. The contributions gathered in this volume each deal with the creative reception of a particular figure in modern history of philosophy. From the 9th century, with al-Farabi, to the 16th century, these philosophers belong to four historical worlds which have been characterized by European cultural history or have defined themselves as such: the (Jewish-)Arabic world (al-Farabi, Avicenna, Maimonides), Latin scholasticism (Roger Bacon, Henry of Ghent, William of Ockham, Marsilius of Padua), medieval lay philosophy (Ramon Lull, Petrarch), and Humanism in a broader sense (Nicholas of Cusa, Petrus Ramus, Andrea Cesalpino). (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Chinese and Indian Ways of Thinking in Early Modern European Philosophy: The Reception and the Exclusion by Selusi AmbrogioCatherine König-Pralong (bio)Chinese and Indian Ways of Thinking in Early Modern European Philosophy: The Reception and the Exclusion. By Selusi Ambrogio. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. How Modern Historians of Philosophy Drew Their World MapsIn his latest book, Chinese and Indian Ways of Thinking in Early Modern European Philosophy: The (...) Reception and the Exclusion, Selusi Ambrogio presents an extensive survey of how Indian and Chinese traditions were conceived of and staged in modern European historiography. This study, which surpasses in detail and scope other works devoted to the same topic,1 reconstructs 150 years of philosophical historiography. Otto van Heurn's Barbaricae philosophiae antiquitatum libri duo (published in 1600) included for the first time contemporary and ancient Indian thinkers in the philosophical doxography; at the other end of the time span considered, Jacob Brucker's Historia critica philosophiae (1744) sanctioned the exclusion of Chinese and Indian thinkers by means of a detailed criticism of their pseudo-philosophies. Moreover, Ambrogio makes the choice to focus on the history of philosophy, unlike Étiemble, for example,2 who was interested in philosophy in a broad sense—academic and non-academic—as well as in travel accounts, the writings of the Jesuits, and those of their opponents, among other sources. According to Ambrogio, the histories of philosophy were more representative of "the common European understanding of these civilizations," since they "were not openly written for controversialist aims" (p. 2). Even though one may wonder whether defining philosophy ("what philosophy is and its role"—ibid.) and legitimizing its scholarly practice is a less political or less polemical undertaking than pamphlets, letters, and philosophical essays,3 it is probably true that philosophical historiography produced an effect of objectification or an appearance of neutrality.The author's main thesis is that the exclusion of all non-Greeks or non-Europeans from the history of philosophy does not date from the nineteenth century and Hegel, as is generally thought, but precisely from the moment when Indian and Chinese "civilizations" were considered by historians of philosophy and included in the philosophical historiography: from the beginning of the seventeenth century onwards (p. 3). Applying a segregationist model, modern historians of philosophy developed a dialectic of [End Page 203] identification—the author speaks of "reception"—and exclusion. They defined the European philosophical mind by demarcating it from other ways of thinking, which they situated in place and time on a civilizational world map. Encompassing the world from Europe produced in return processes of definition and situation. Philosophy was established in a territory and identified with a "culture" or "mind" that began to think itself in relation to the rest of the world under the name of Europe.4I will discuss Ambrogio's remarkable work in three moments. First, I will develop some particularly interesting conclusions drawn from the study; namely, they address periodization, the production of cultural categories, and the valorization of theory. I will then discuss the main thesis as well as some problematic issues, before concluding on the subject of a world absent from Ambrogio's book, the Near and Middle East.I. Logic of Time and Cultural TerritorializationAmbrogio's book is composed of three parts that address three successive historiographical models. First, the "perennialist universalism" (p. 57)—represented by, among others, Otto van Heurn, Thomas Burnet, Isaac Vossius, François Bernier, Georg Horn, and François de la Mothe le Vayer—included ancient India and then China in the "prisca theologia"; on the other hand, it described contemporary Indian and Chinese thinkers as "barbarian" philosophers. In this constellation, Buddhism began to function as the negative part of Oriental thought. According to the Jesuits, it had polluted and corrupted the original Chinese wisdom, often identified with Confucianism.The second model constructed an "Atheistic Asia," which was used either as a positive anthropological image (for example in Pierre Bayle), or as a negative foil for Lutheran philosophy and theology (for example in Johann Franz Buddeus). In the pages he dedicates to these endeavors, Ambrogio often moves away from philosophical doxography, represented by André-Fran... (shrink)

Symptôme psychosomatique de la condition pécheresse de l’âme humaine, processus d’usure naturel et progressif de la machinerie psychique ou corporelle, propriété exclusive du monde des corps ou lieu de la ligature obligée de l’intellect au corps, la fatigue traverse la littérature philosophique et théologique médiévale. Les divers traitements de la fatigue peuvent à leur tour valoir comme symptômes pour différencier les approches anthropologiques médiévales. Cet article en présente quatre figures: l’anthropologie du danger élaborée par Augustin, le diagnostic médical grec et (...) arabe dont Constantin l’Africain est le passeur au xi e siècle, et les lectures de la psychologie d’Aristote par Albert le Grand et Thomas d’Aquin au xiii e siècle. (shrink)

La philosophie medievale est en general mieux connue que ses auteurs. Ce livre s'interesse aux acteurs intellectuels auteurs des textes qui ont servi de materiaux a l'histoire de la philosophie medievale. Qui sont-ils? Dans quels lieux institutionnels et dans quelles conditions culturelles ont-ils travaille? Quelles conceptions se faisaient-ils de leur mission, de ses interets et de ses fins? Dementant un prejuge repandu, les scolastiques se revelent interesses a la politique culturelle; ils avaient une conscience aigue des enjeux epistemiques, ethiques et (...) sociaux de leurs pratiques professionnelles. Cette etude documente ces autorepresentations et les contraste au moyen d'un regard plus exterieur, qui decrit les pratiques savantes des auteurs scolastiques et reconstruit leurs differentes conceptions du savoir et de la societe chretienne. A l'etude des contextes intellectuels et sociaux, elle presente des mises en serie, de la division des sciences a la structuration du champ social en eveque, docteur, moine et laic. A la lecture de textes issus de divers milieux et temps, elle articule des distinctions, entre clerc et laic, eveque et docteur, arts liberaux et arts mecaniques, sedentaires et peregrins, adulte et enfant, homme et femme, centre et peripherie, chretien et non chretien, theologie et philosophie. Conditions culturelles du savoir et contenus doctrinaux sont approches par des methodes irreductiblement differentes, qui convergent cependant sur un meme objet, le texte qualifie de philosophique par son auteur ou par ses historiens. (shrink)

En enquêtant sur la nature du corps ressuscité, cet article montre que la théologie des mystères de Thomas d’Aquin abandonne les principes péripatéticiens de sa théologie spéculative et de sa philosophie. Le corps ressuscité manifeste la perfection de la nature individuelle en supprimant la nature spécifique. Se démarquant de longues traditions physicalistes (corpusculaires) initiées par les Pères de l’Église, Thomas d’Aquin conçoit le corps ressuscité comme un « vivant ». Pour l’au-delà, le modèle biologique aristotélicien se révèle cependant caduc, puisque (...) les corps ressuscités, bien qu’ils « vivent », n’y sont plus ordonnés à la perpétuation et à la perfection de l’espèce. La réalité du paradis n’est plus celle de l’espèce, d’un tout qui serait plus que la somme de ses parties, mais celle de singuliers ressuscités comme âmes rationnelles informant des corps individuels, sans que soient réalisées les fonctions vitales dont l’homme fait l’expérience sur terre. L’anatomie du corps ressuscité fonctionne ainsi comme matrice anthropologique chrétienne maximisée, qui soustrait l’homme à l’ordre de la nature pensée sur un mode spéciste. (shrink)

Con particolare riferimento alla ricerca degli ultimi sessant'anni, l'articolo si propone di suggerire alcune riflessioni metodologiche. Nella recente storiografia filosofica si possono individuare due movimenti di particolare rilievo: in primo luogo, il recupero di grandi figure come Lullo, Petrarca e Dante nel campo della filosofia e, in secondo luogo, l'attenzione per autori poco studiati che si muovono in spazi talvolta trascurati, l'interesse per i quali nasce spesso dall'incontro della storia della filosofia con la storia sociale e culturale.Particularly concerning to researches (...) of the last sixty years, the article aims to suggest some interesting methodological reflections. In the recent philosophical historiography we can identify two movements of singular importance: in the first place, the retrieval of great figures, as Lullo, Petrarca and Dante, in the field of philosophy and, secondly, the attention for barely studied authors who live in sometimes neglected environments, the new interest for which often stems from encounter of the history of philosophy with the social and cultural history. (shrink)

This paper reconstructs some important medieval interpretations of the first two words of the Aristotelian Metaphysics: “Omnes homines natura scire desiderant”. After presenting lay readings of the 14th-15th centuries, it returns to earlier scholastic and clerical interpretations of the Aristotelian “natural” desire for knowledge. Medieval readers of Aristotle coming from various backgrounds noted the strong discrepancy between the Aristotelian definition of man and the discriminatory social reality of their time. They elaborated different strategies of reading that allowed them to downplay (...) or emphasize, to legitimize or challenge, the monopolization of knowledge by a clerical elite. (shrink)

This paper addresses the conception of theology developed by Giles of Rome from the Reportatio of his lecture on the second book of the Sentences to his fifth Quodlibet. It demonstrates that, from the beginning of his career, Giles discredited the power of philosophical reason in the realm of theology, a discipline which he conceived as a defensive, rhetorical and exegetical practice. Henry of Ghent was the principal adversary attacked by Giles, who challenged the scientific legitimacy of theology which Henry, (...) after Thomas Aquinas, had established as the highest speculative discipline. In the conclusion, the paper highlights strong similarities between Giles’ theological epistemology and Godfrey of Fontaines’ conception and practices of university sciences. (shrink)

This paper addresses the conception of theology developed by Giles of Rome from the Reportatio of his lecture on the second book of the Sentences to his fifth Quodlibet. It demonstrates that, from the beginning of his career, Giles discredited the power of philosophical reason in the realm of theology, a discipline which he conceived as a defensive, rhetorical and exegetical practice. Henry of Ghent was the principal adversary attacked by Giles, who challenged the scientific legitimacy of theology which Henry, (...) after Thomas Aquinas, had established as the highest speculative discipline. In the conclusion, the paper highlights strong similarities between Giles’ theological epistemology and Godfrey of Fontaines’ conception and practices of university sciences. (shrink)

?Petrus Johannis Olivi is today considered one of the most important intellectuals of the second half of the 13th century. Although he died at a young age, he left behind an impressive philosophical and theological work which was placed under the censure of the Church various times. The contributions in this volume reveal a broad spectrum of Olivi's different scholarly methods, demonstrating his intellectual activity and presenting some of his most original philosophical theories.".

Une longue introduction précède les contributions de ces trois philosophes et théologiens à la querelle sur la distinction entre l'être et l'essence qui anima la Faculté de théologie de l'Université de Paris dans les années 1280.

Le XXe siecle a ete caracterise par l'essor de l'hermeneutique philosophique. Il est temps de proposer un bilan de ces elaborations et de projeter les possibles evolutions de l'hermeneutique au XXIe siecle. Le present volume s'attelle a cette tache: il retrace les chemins de l'hermeneutique, de Wilhelm Dilthey a Michel Foucault. Il met en evidence un phenomene de diversification de l'hermeneutique en l'espece de trois courants prioritaires, dont les divergences de vue ont donne lieu a des debats. D'ailleurs, pour etre (...) feconde, l'hermeneutique a venir aura grand interet a conserver la forme du debat. Le present volume reunit les contributions de chercheurs qui representent des domaines varies de la recherche en sciences humaines: la philosophie, l'histoire de la philosophie, la philologie, l'histoire de l'art, l'anthropologie culturelle et la jurisprudence. La premiere partie est consacree au debat autour de l'hermeneutique philosophique; elle reunit les contributions de J. Grondin, R. Celis et J. Greisch d'une part, de H. Ineichen, H. Kramer et O. Scholz d'autre part. Les theses de l'hermeneutique philosophique sont presentees et soumises a un examen critique. Dans la deuxieme partie, on suit les voies sur lesquelles cheminent aujourd'hui les hermeneutiques des sciences humaines interessees a des objets particuliers: les textes abordes par la philologie ou par l'histoire de la philosophie, les images etudiees par l'histoire de l'art, les structures sociales qui sont les objets de l'anthropologie culturelle, ou encore les normes de la societe qui interessent les juristes. En guise d'orientation prealable, une introduction historique et un tableau chronologique ouvrent le volume. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Answer to Catherine König-Pralong, Eun-Jeung Lee, and Jyoti MohanSelusi Ambrogio (bio)I want to start my reply by expressing my deep gratitude to the three reviewers who devoted their energy and time to reading and commenting on my book. Their wise comments and criticisms helped in shaping my upcoming research plans, as well as in refining my understanding of this historiographical topic. The eventual readers of this research (...) will certainly benefit from their arguments. I will reply to each review separately, one after the other. Also I could never thank the editors of Philosophy East and West enough for the honor they bestowed on me in hosting this debate.Mapping the ExclusionCatherine König-Pralong provides an extremely knowledgeable and refined review of the book in three sections. The first section is a theoretical evaluation and discussion of the outputs of the monograph through the lens of Reinhard Koselleck's theory of the "temporalization of history" (Verzeitlichung [End Page 230] der Geschichte)1 and her unequalled expertise on the imaginary maps of civilizations. I completely agree with her statement that "from the doxography of the seventeenth century to Brucker's eclecticism, philosophical historiography seemed to be much less attached to historical accuracy than to delimiting regions and identifying peoples and their minds—in a word, to territorializing." The territorialization of philosophy into maps that presented first the lost seeds of divine wisdom (perennialism) and afterwards the exclusive regions of rationality (eclecticism) shows more the Western necessity for a self-definition rather than an effective understanding of the thought of other civilizations. As Metha perfectly expresses it, "Long ago 'Asia' and the 'Orient' became almost existential categories in the European mind."2 It is in this context of 'spatialization of identities' that philosophy became one of the leading characteristics—when not the leading one—of European identity. As the reviewer lucidly remarks, this happened at the expense of philosophy itself. Practical philosophy was put under the superior control of theoretical and logical faculties. It is true that this process was achieved in German pragmatism and Kantian historiography, but this was already evident in Heumann and Brucker's historiographical productions.In her dense analysis, König-Pralong provides bibliographical suggestions that could be integrated within the monograph. I have to admit that, unluckily, I've never come across the two outstanding essays by Wimmer and Rüdiger on Chinese philosophy as a problem of historiography in the eighteenth century, both published in 2017.3 On the contrary, I eagerly read the reviewer's book La colonie philosophique, which was published in March 2019. However, at that time, my monograph was already in the hands of the editor, undergoing the process of double-blind peer review and editing, and hence my argumentation could not benefit from her discussion on temporalization versus historicization and the mapping of civilizations. To quote a sentence from her brilliant book: "L'histoire de la philosophie des Lumières programme en effet une rationalisation de l'histoire et une temporalisation de la philosophie."4 This sentence is a perfect explanation of the "de-territorialization" of India and China from the land of historicity and rationality, namely philosophy. For Brucker, India and China did not possess reliable historical sources, showed childish theoretical capacities, and presented oppressive norms that were not based on moral principles and reasoning.The reviewer agrees with the fact that, at the time of Brucker, we can already find reasons for the exclusion of Asian philosophies, but she contests the thesis that the character of this exclusion was already completely displayed. She suggests that Brucker's Historia critica is mostly a destructive history, showing human mistakes, and that the real targets were Neoplatonism and mystical syncretism, not Asian thought. She writes that "Brucker excluded non-European thoughts from philosophy, but not from the history of philosophy." In my view, Brucker did not insert "barbarian" [End Page 231] and "exotic" civilizations in the history of philosophy, but rather in a critical history—that is, historia critica—of human mistakes. He clearly states that nothing philosophical could be detected in these lands and that his own use of the term "philosophy" about them is... (shrink)

Although pragmatism and phenomenology have both contributed significantly to the genealogy of so-called “4E” – embodied, embedded, enactive and extended – cognition, there is benefit to be had from a systematic comparative study of these roots. As existing 4E cognition literature has tended to emphasise one or the other tradition, issues remain to be addressed concerning their commonalities – and possible incompatibilities. We begin by exploring pragmatism and phenomenology’s shared focus on contesting intellectualism, and its key assumption of mindedness as (...) representation. We then outline distinctive insights from both traditions regarding the nature and role of habits, in order to put forward a habit-based epistemology as an alternative to the Cartesian idea-based epistemology that has dominated modern philosophy. We pay particular attention to the work of classical pragmatist C.S. Peirce, arguing that his semiotics, which analyses sign-use as habit, shows how theorists of embodied cognition can break a certain false dichotomy between embodiment and logical or intellectual structure which has prevented them from fully theorising propositional knowledge. In this way, our work both augments and challenges the Dewey/Merleau-Ponty connection that has been much more extensively explored by the field. (shrink)

But in this book, Catherine Malabou proposes a more radical meaning for plasticity, one that not only adapts itself to existing circumstances, but forms a ...

This chapter contains sections titled: Catherine Malabou : “Unbind Me” Judith Butler : What Kind of Shape Is Hegel's Body in? Catherine Malabou : What Is Shaping the Body? Judith Butler : A Chiasm between Us, but No Chasm.

This paper argues that we can acknowledge the existence of moral truths and moral progress without being committed to moral realism. Rather than defending this claim through the more familiar route of the attempted analysis of the ontological commitments of moral claims, I show how moral belief change for the better shares certain features with theoretical progress in the natural sciences. Proponents of the better theory are able to convince their peers that it is formally and empirically superior to its (...) rivals, and the better theory may be promoted to the status of the truth. Yet there is no 'decision-procedure' for ethics any more than there is for molecular biology. The betterness of true theories can be grasped through what I term 'undirectional narratives' of progress. And while there are true moral claims and perhaps numerous moral truths yet to be discovered, we should reject currently popular forms of moral realism with bivalence. Some moral claims lend themselves to the construction of fully reversible, bi-directional narratives and are likely neither true nor false. (shrink)