"Case notes." Ethos: Official Publication of the Law Society of the Australian Capital Territory, (198), pp. 35–36.

The high turnover of nurses has become a global problem. Several studies have proposed that nurses’ perceptions of the ethical climate of their organization are related to higher job satisfaction and organizational commitment and thus lead to higher organizational citizenship behaviors. This study uses hierarchical regression to understand which types of ethical climate, facets of job satisfaction, and the three components of organizational commitment influence different dimensions of organizational citizenship behaviors. Questionnaires were distributed to 450 nurses, and 352 (...) usable questionnaires were returned. The findings of the article suggest that hospitals can increase organizational citizenship behaviors by influencing an organization’s ethical climate, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. Hospital administrators can foster within organizations, the climate types of caring, law and code and rules climate, satisfaction with coworkers, and affective commitment and normative commitment that increase organizational citizenship behavior, while preventing organizations from developing the type of instrumental climate and continuance commitment that decreases it. (shrink)

정체성 정치를 연구하는 것은 지배 또는 주류 문화와는 다른 문화적 정체성을 지닌 여성, 성적 소수자, 장애자, 소수 민족이나 인종, 그리고 비정규노동자와 이주노동자도 역시 인간 존재로서 도덕적으로 평등하고, 똑같이 존중과 관심을 받아야 하기 때문에, 종속적 카스트로 서 무시되거나 비하되어서는 안 된다는 사회 정의적 관심 때문이다. 그렇기 때문에 정체성 정치는 단순히 우리 사회에서 주변화 되고 소외된 민족, 인종, 여성 등과 같은 소수자들의 역 할과 권리에 더 많은 관심을 기울이고, 그들의 정체성을 인정하는 것을 의미한다. 따라서 이 러한 목표를 구체화하기 위해 우리는 우선, 탈이데올로기 (...) 시대에서 빈번하게 일어나는 정체 성의 갈등이 역사 문화적 과정을 통해 어떻게 형성되며, 정치적 차원에서 어떻게 표현되는 가를 이해해야 할 것이다. 둘째, 다문화주의 시대에서 정체성이 어떻게 왜곡되고 변형되며, 또한 어떻게 재현되는가를 급진 민주주의적 관점에서 해석할 필요가 있다. 셋째, 정체성을 문화정치적으로 재구성해서 정체성의 새로운 얼굴, 곧 억압 없는 정체성을 세계시민주의 관 점에서 모색할 필요가 있다. 이 논문은, 특정 집단이 자신의 정체성을 재현함으로써 자신의 문화적 가치를 표현하지만, 동시에 다른 집단의 정체성과 충동함으로써 긴장과 갈등, 심지어 폭력을 낳을 수 있음에 주목한다. 심대한 다원주의 사회에서 상이한 가치관을 지닌 개인들이 하나의 정치공동체에서 평화로운 공존을 하기 위해서는, 한편으로는 동일성을 강요하는 억압 체계를 비판적으로 분석하고, 다른 한편으로는 정체성 정치의 이중성 효과, 즉 해방적 기능 과 폭력적 기능을 복합적으로 성찰하고자 한다. 나아가, 정체성 정치를 탈중심화된 시민권 개념에 의해 억압과 폭력으로부터 해방시킬 수 있는지 그 가능성을 모색하고자 한다. (shrink)

The essay aims to offer some thoughts about the configuration of the subject as a category of analysis for the understanding of citizenship. For this purpose, two key dimensions are outlined: ideal and empirical. The arguments presented allow an understanding of citizenship as a symbolic construct fraught with tension, beyond the legal and administrative dimension; for example, through its links with migration, racism and identity. Finally, it presents what we have called the ideal-empirical subject, as a construct that (...) contributes to the understanding of social reality from the perspective of the subject as irreducible singularity. The central thesis of this essay is that citizenship, as a construct supported in the inclusion exclusion dichotomy, operates as a shaping element of the ideal-empirical subject in modern societies, and more specifically in globalized post-industrial societies. El ensayo tiene por objetivo exponer algunas reflexiones relativas a la configuración del sujeto como categoría de análisis para la comprensión de la ciudadanía. Para estos efectos se plantean dos dimensiones claves, la ideal y la empírica. Los argumentos que se presentan permiten captar la ciudadanía como un constructo simbólico cargado de tensiones, más allá de la dimensión jurídica y administrativa; por ejemplo, por medio de su articulación con las migraciones, el racismo y la identidad. Finalmente se expone lo que hemos denominado el sujeto ideal-empírico, como constructo que contribuye a la comprensión de la realidad social desde la perspectiva del sujeto, en tanto singularidad irreductible. La tesis central de este ensayo es que la ciudadanía en tanto constructo sustentado en la dicotomía inclusión exclusión opera como elemento modelador del sujeto ideal-empírico en el escenario de las sociedades modernas y más específicamente en las sociedades postindustriales globalizadas. (shrink)

The objective of this Article is to integrate legal and social conceptions of citizenship as they materialize at the geographic, political, and social border crossings that accompany transnational mobility. Rather than pose the question "who is the citizen?," I ask "who is the citizen’s Other?," partly as a means of surfacing what we mean by citizenship by thinking about who we designate as its alterity. Against the current of most contemporary scholarship, I commend resurrecting the concept of statelessness (...) as an antipodal reference point for citizenship. My intuition is that a version of statelessness still dwells in the substratum of much citizenship discourse, and that rendering a plausible account of it under contemporary conditions may prove helpful in linking conversations about legal and social citizenship. I supplement the conventional understanding of the stateless person as one who lacks any citizenship in a state by also designating as stateless one who possesses citizenship but lacks a state. My analysis draws on Hannah Arendt’s famous exegesis on the relationship between the apatride, the refugee, and the condition of rightlessness, as well as contemporary refugee jurisprudence. I demonstrate how subject positions commonly identified as the citizen’s Other, including the refugee, the alien and the second-class citizen, are better understood as nested within a larger matrix where the apatride represents the ultimate negation of citizenship. I then introduce the notion of the "heft" of citizenship as a method of assessing how legal citizenship and social citizenship interact to position an array of subjects between these stylized poles of citizenship and statelessness. (shrink)

This essay proposes a re-reading of the process of establishing the post-colonial nation-state in Algeria, and of the dynamics of citizenship in the light of gender, in order to illuminate the hesitations of the political class as to the meaning of the principle of universal emancipation and sexual equality in the private sphere of personal status. Whereas up to now readings studying the nature of the Algerian political regime and its ideological discourse have been solely concerned with denouncing the (...) "moribund" character of modernism and/or "Algerian-style" socialism, the argument will deal mainly with the private domestic sphere in order to expose ideological references and representations that are decidedly traditionalist, if not archaic, as regards gender relations in the Algerian family, idealized by the legislation underlying the Family Code (1984/2005). Finally a detailed review, based on an analysis by gender, of the minutes of parliamentary debates in the legislatures from 1982 to 1984 will demonstrate the highly patriarchal nature of the cultural representations of Algeria’s decision-makers, who are reluctant to extend "modernization" to the female population. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the endangered status of the concept of citizenship. The methodology employed consists of textual analysis and philosophical argumentation. The main findings of the paper are: The boundary of the meaning of citizenship keeps changing. Citizenship constitutes one of the most worrisome sources of conflict in modern states. There is no objectively correct interpretation of citizenship, both in its historical and contemporary understanding.The conclusion drawn from the findings is (...) that various factors, especially the multicultural character of most contemporary societies, are impinging on the possibility of developing a theory of citizenship that is universally applicable and globally acceptable. (shrink)

In this paper, I take up Habermas’s recent writing on Rawls in Inclusion of the Other and focus on an example that Habermas discusses there, the Catholic stance on abortion. He brings in this example to question how such views could be rationally negotiated, under Rawls’s views of political liberalism, prior to arriving at an overlapping consensus. Habermas argues that Rawls must affirm the truth of moral constructivism in order to resolve the question of which conceptions of the good make (...) a valid claim on us. Though I have criticisms of how both Rawls and Habermas cast the issue of abortion, I argue that through properly understanding the role of the political ideal of citizenship in Rawls’s conception of political liberalism, we can find resources to contend with the problem Habermas finds here. I defend the capacity of political constructivism to resolve this issue without affirming the truth of moral constructivism. (shrink)

Dipartimento di Scienze politiche e sociali – Università di Bologna, 17 maggio 2018.

Étienne Balibar has been one of Europe's most important philosophical and political thinkers since the 1960s. His work has been vastly influential on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the humanities and the social sciences. In We, the People of Europe?, he expands on themes raised in his previous works to offer a trenchant and eloquently written analysis of "transnational citizenship" from the perspective of contemporary Europe. Balibar moves deftly from state theory, national sovereignty, and debates on multiculturalism and (...) European racism, toward imagining a more democratic and less state-centered European citizenship.Although European unification has progressively divorced the concepts of citizenship and nationhood, this process has met with formidable obstacles. While Balibar seeks a deep understanding of this critical conjuncture, he goes beyond theoretical issues. For example, he examines the emergence, alongside the formal aspects of European citizenship, of a "European apartheid," or the reduplication of external borders in the form of "internal borders" nurtured by dubious notions of national and racial identity. He argues for the democratization of how immigrants and minorities in general are treated by the modern democratic state, and the need to reinvent what it means to be a citizen in an increasingly multicultural, diversified world. A major new work by a renowned theorist, We, the People of Europe? offers a far-reaching alternative to the usual framing of multicultural debates in the United States while also engaging with these debates. (shrink)

There is a growing body of literature which argues that the two major theories of liberal citizenship (those of John Locke and J.S. Mill) were deeply enmeshed with both colonization (the processes by which the imperial state takes over the land and/or sovereignty of another country) and colonialism (the theoretical framework by which colonization is justified). This article, builds upon this literature but asks whether the existence of hundreds of domestic colonies within (as opposed to outside) the borders of (...) Britain and British settler states for citizens (as opposed to foreigners) at the turn of the twentieth century challenges the scope and definition of 'colonialism' in previous literature. Liberal colonialism, it is argued, seeks to transform those deemed to be 'idle', 'irrational' and/or custom bound, both at home and abroad, into 'industrious and rational' citizens. Domestically this meant housing the idle poor and mentally ill/disabled in labour and farm colonies, respectively in order to break them free through segregation from their bad customs/habits and teaching them, through education and agrarian labour, to become proper citizens. Ultimately, it is hoped that this analysis will help to explain how liberal states could come to embrace rather than reject within their own borders such deeply illiberal practises as segregation and assimilation against 'internal' others well into the twentieth century. (shrink)

Distributive justice is known to have important emotional and affective outcomes. The present study explores the role of distributive justice as an antecedent to feelings of gratitude toward the organization. Borrowing from social exchange theory, we investigate the mediating role of gratitude in the relationship between “perceived fairness in distributive justice” and “employees’ organization citizenship behaviors.” Time-lagged, multi-source data was collected from 185 employees and their supervisors employed in a large manufacturing organization based in East India. Two significant findings (...) emerge. First, the results indicate that feelings of gratitude signal fair distribution of benefits such that the employees go beyond the call of the duty to invest in OCB. Second, engagement in such acts seems to nullify their social debts highlighted in the social exchange perspective. Thus, a strong moral emotion, gratitude is a powerful vehicle that drives employees to act in the organization’s interests because doing is desirable and rightful. Implications for theory and practice are discussed. (shrink)

This article is about clothing inventions, material participation, and acts of citizenship. I explore how pioneering Victorian women at the turn of the last century inventively responded via clothing to restrictions to their (physical and ideological) freedom of movement. While the bicycle is typically celebrated as a primary vehicle of women’s emancipation at that time, I argue that inventive forms of clothing, such as convertible cycling skirts, also helped women make claims to rights and privileges otherwise legally denied to (...) their sex. I ask: Do clothing inventions create possibilities to act differently? Can they be thought of as wearable technology, and in what ways do they (and their invention) enact political concerns? Might convertible cycling skirts be considered “acts of citizenship?” Throughout, I mobilize concepts of multiplicity, in-betweenness, and ambiguity to make a case for the relevance of clothing research for science and technology studies. (shrink)

¿The authors argue that queer, black, brown, and foreign bodies, and the so-called threats they represent, such as immigration reform and same-sex marriage, have been effectively linked with terrorism. These awful conflations¿ are enduring and help to explain the contradictions of contemporary U.S. politics. We are far from a post post-9/11 world.¿ Ronald R. Sundstrom, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, The University of San Francisco, United States ¿If you want to understand how a new biopolitics of citizenship is containing (...) bodies of the nation by re-inscribing sex and race into it and how this new biopolitics is being resisted you must read this book.¿ Engin F. Isin, Professor, Department of Politics and International Studies, The Open University, United Kingdom. (shrink)

In the ｢Framework Act on Education｣, Korean society sets the direction that even adults, including students, have the right to be educated to have the 'qualities necessary as a democratic citizen’, and through this, should contribute to the public interest of Korean society and mankind as a whole. However, discussions on what specifically, civic education for democratic citizens is, are still underway without agreement. The important point is that the social structure and lifestyle change according to the times, and the (...) qualities and virtues required by citizens also change. Considering this, the philosophical and theoretical level of review and discussion of the goals, directions, and grounds of citizenship education should be conducted together with social analysis and the prediction of social change. From this awareness of the problem, this study summarized recent Korean society perspectives from the viewpoint of 'transition,' Based on this, the goals and directions of citizenship education were summarized. Korean society has long confirmed that social solidarity is collapsing due to conflict, hatred, and exclusion. In addition, inequality has accelerated since neoliberal policy was fully implemented. In addition, it has been confirmed that the discourse of meritocracy that justifies inequality has become the mainstream perception of society. In addition, as a member of the human community, Korea also identified an ecological crisis that could be an exception. Therefore, we have now confirmed that social integration, restoration of publicity, and the emergence of ecological values are new tasks. To solve these challenges, it is necessary to form a social entity to prepare for a transition. In this sense of the problem, this study presents the virtues of Buddhism, especially for citizens, from an acting point of view as three things: (a) reconciliatory thought for social integration, (b) collective karma for social justice, and (c) awareness and practice of life peace. (shrink)

This article reports on an EU-funded project conducted in Greece, Portugal, England and Wales. Data were collected from male and female student teachers using surveys, interviews and focus groups. The project investigated their understanding of citizenship and the role of men and women in public and private life. Pateman's concept of a sexual contractwas used to discover how student teachers understood changing relations between men and women. Young professionals in each country had relatively similar representations of the public sphere, (...) which was seen as a distant sphere in which masculine power was unchallenged. The tension between power and femininity was articulated differently by men and women. Cross-national comparisons revealed how women in different European countries struggle over gender relations in family life and in everyday social contexts. Although gender relations are changing, the primary context for female citizenship is still predominantly the family. The sexual contract remains therefore a key theme to be considered in relation to the education of citizens. (shrink)

Based on social cognitive theory, we studied the relationship between coaches’ paternalistic leadership and youth athletes’ organizational citizenship behavior and the mediation effect of athletes’ trust in coaches, in China. This age-specific research was conducted among more than 2,000 Chinese youth soccer players. Overall, 758 youth soccer players, aged 13–18 years, completed a self-report questionnaire. The results showed that the three dimensions of the coaches’ PL have different relationships with OCB, and the differences were due to differences in athletes’ (...) ages. Additionally, we verified the mediation role of trust. Our research conclusions are of great significance to the study of Chinese youth soccer as in-depth research can provide a deeper and more precise understanding of the relationship between PL and the OCB of Chinese youth soccer players. This study expands the literature on social cognitive theory and sheds light on the relationship between coach leadership and athlete OCB by providing extensive evidence. (shrink)

This study aims to reveal the impact of proactive personality on career success and the sequential mediation effect of organizational citizenship behavior and task performance on the relationship. Utilizing meta-analytic structural equation modeling technology sampling 101,131 employees from multiple organizations and industries, which deeply decreased sampling error, the results indicated slightly different findings of proactive personality and three types of career success. Specifically, in relation to salary, OCB and task performance independently transmit the effects of proactive personality to subjective (...) career success, but they sequentially mediate this link as well. In regard to subjective career success and promotion, OCB mediates the relationship between proactive personality and promotion. OCB and task performance sequentially mediate these links. We discussed findings cautiously and purpose future research directions. (shrink)

The concept of transnationalism, despite a variety of earlier uses, has recently been used to describe the sociological phenomenon of cross-border migrants considering more than one place ‘home’. This can be in terms of identity and belonging, cultural expression, family and other social ties, visits, financial flows, organising working life in more than one nation-state or transnational political projects. In this paper I discuss the theory and practice of transnationalism to assess the practical, explanatory and normative strength of the concept. (...) I then introduce three different forms of cosmopolitan approaches and assess whether transnational migrants' practices contribute to a cosmopolitan outlook and active global citizenship. I show that the extent to which transnationalism contributes to various forms of global citizenship varies according to the different conceptualisations of transnationalism and cosmopolitanism. In conclusion I draw out the implications of these differences for the future protection of the rights of migrants. (shrink)

RESUMEN. El autor describe algunos elementos distintivos del estatus y de las funciones del ciudadano en la Atenas del siglo V así como en el contexto democrático ateniense, en el que nació la figura del ciudadano. Pone de relieve el carácter excluyente y las instituciones "limitadas" que hacen de la ciudadanía un estatus exclusivo, reservado para los hombres, para los hijos de ambos padres atenienses y que de esa manera excluía a los extranjeros residentes (metecos), a los otros griegos y (...) a los bárbaros. A partir de la categoría aristotélica de "ciudadano en sentido absoluto", el autor muestra cómo incluso dentro de la comunidad de los atenienses libres, por varias razones, grupos como el de los jóvenes, de los ancianos y de las mujeres en particular, estén excluidos de la plena participación en la vida política de la ciudad, en definitiva, a las decisiones y la gestión del poder. Al mismo tiempo, la investigación muestra cómo los atenienses, a pesar de que sean una minoría de hombres libres dentro de la ciudad, durante dos siglos en forma gradual desarrollen un alto nivel de participación en la vida política de la ciudad, en el sentido de que incluso las clases menos privilegiadas pudieran ocupar cargos políticos que antes eran reservados solo para los más ricos. De este modo se aplicaría plenamente el principio democrático con el cual todo el pueblo gobierna y, al mismo tiempo, a través del primer ejército hecho enteramente de ciudadanos, defiendan sus propias decisiones. ABSTRACT. The author describes a number of distinctive traits of the status and role of citizens in the democratic Athens of the 5th-century BC and in the Athenian democratic framework which saw the establishment of the figure of the citizen. He highlights the exclusiveness of citizenship and the legal institutes that “closed” access to citizenship status. Citizenship was reserved to males born to Athenian parents, and excluded resident aliens (meteci), the other Greeks and the Barbarians. Starting with the Aristotelian category of “citizens in the absolute sense”, the author shows that even within the community of free Athenians, young people, the elderly and, above all, women, were barred from fully participating in the political life of the city for various reasons. Such categories were in all effects excluded from the decision-making process and from the management of power. At the same time the research shows how Athenian citizens, made up of free men which formed but a minority in the city population, succeeded within two centuries to fully develop a high degree of participation in the political life of the city. It was not long before members of lower-income groups started holding key positions in the city that were previously reserved to individuals belonging to the wealthier classes. It was a turnaround that reflected the full realisation of the democratic principle according to which it was the people of Athens as a whole that governed and defended the choices made with an army made up of Athenian citizens. (shrink)

Disentangling Privacy and Intimacy: Intimate Citizenship, Private Boundaries and Public Transgressions Recent theorisations of transformations of intimacy—like Ken Plummer's (2003) Intimate Citizenship project—concentrate on social and cultural transformations that erode the containment of intimacy within the private sphere. They have less to say about the character of and oppositions to that erosion, and specifically how far the idea of the private stands in opposition to intimacy transgressing into the public. In this essay, the private is explored through its (...) constitutive features—liberal codifications of rights, liberty and property, medico-moral discourses and conservative values and legal and political regulation—to give a more political and critical reading. This reading suggests that an explicit disentangling of the private and the intimate is necessary if tendencies toward public and emancipated intimacies are to become meaningful transformations, and this involves a dissembling of and critical engagement with the powerful historically entrenched idea of privacy in western societies. (shrink)

When, on December 7, 2000, the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission proclaimed solemnly in Nice the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, many thought that European integration was practically guaranteed and that the Charter would soon be made into a binding legal text. Since then, the two attempts to enact a European consitution – the Constitutional Treaty for the European Union of 2004 and the arguably less ambitious Treaty of Lisbon of 2007 – both failed. Further (...) efforts at unification have stagnated, in part due to the 2008 economic crisis and the European Union’s inability to coordinate responses to issues as serious as immigration, the refugee crisis, and terrorism. In this paper, I examine a theoretical counterpoint to that bleak perspective for European unification, to wit, Jürgen Habermas’ eurofederalist proposal of the postnational democracy and European constitutional patriotism. (shrink)

A sociedade contemporânea convive com situações sociais, políticas e econômicas que suscitam o desejo de paz, de tolerância e de justiça. A escola é uma instituição essencial na organização social, pois por ela passam crianças, adolescentes e jovens por um período de tempo importante de sua formação e de construção da sua identidade. Nesse processo, o Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) tem um papel fundamental, pois gera uma ação intencional e propõe uma direção a partir de um compromisso construído coletivamente e (...) articulado com os interesses da educação em âmbito estadual e nacional. O objetivo desse texto é apresentar os resultados de uma pesquisa qualitativa feita em escolas da rede estadual de Belo Horizonte – MG – e mostrar a importância da formação humanista nos PPPs, pois eles oferecem elementos que ajudam as escolas a realizarem seus objetivos, a enfrentarem os desafios e a planejarem seu futuro rumo à formação de jovens cidadãos. Palavras-Chave: Juventude. Cidadania. Formação Humanista. Projeto Político Pedagógico.: Contemporary society coexists with social, political and economic conditions that give rise to the desire for peace, tolerance and justice. The school is an essential institution in social organization, because it works with young people for a considerable period of time of its formation and construction of their identity. In this process, the political Pedagogical Project (PPP) has a key role because it generates an intentional action and proposes a direction from a commitment collectively constructed and articulated with the interests of education statewide and nationally. This paper presents the results of a qualitative research conducted in schools of the state of Belo Horizonte – MG. Political Pedagogical Project offers information to help schools achieve their goals and also to face challenges and to plan their future as young citizens trainers. Keywords : Youth. Citizenship. Humanistic. Education. Pedagogical Political Project. (shrink)

Many critics bemoan the lack of civic engagement in America. Tocqueville's ''nation of joiners'' seems to have become a nation of alienated individuals, disinclined to fulfill the obligations of citizenship or the responsibilities of self-government. In response, the critics urge community involvement and renewed education in the civic virtues. But what kind of civic engagement do we want, and what sort of citizenship should we encourage? In Socratic Citizenship, Dana Villa takes issue with those who would reduce (...) citizenship to community involvement or to political participation for its own sake. He argues that we need to place more value on a form of conscientious, moderately alienated citizenship invented by Socrates, one that is critical in orientation and dissident in practice. Taking Plato's Apology of Socrates as his starting point, Villa argues that Socrates was the first to show, in his words and deeds, how moral and intellectual integrity can go hand in hand, and how they can constitute importantly civic--and not just philosophical or moral--virtues. More specifically, Socrates urged that good citizens should value this sort of integrity more highly than such apparent virtues as patriotism, political participation, piety, and unwavering obedience to the law. Yet Socrates' radical redefinition of citizenship has had relatively little influence on Western political thought. Villa considers how the Socratic idea of the thinking citizen is treated by five of the most influential political thinkers of the past two centuries--John Stuart Mill, Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Weber, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss. In doing so, he not only deepens our understanding of these thinkers' work and of modern ideas of citizenship, he also shows how the fragile Socratic idea of citizenship has been lost through a persistent devaluation of independent thought and action in public life.Engaging current debates among political and social theorists, this insightful book shows how we must reconceive the idea of good citizenship if we are to begin to address the shaky fundamentals of civic culture in America today. (shrink)

In this final response, the author reflects on the recent European elections that favored Euro-skeptic right-wing parties all over Europe. Their Far-Right views blame ‘immigrants’ for the current problems in Europe and challenge institutionalized solidarity. The response, firstly, attacks the dominating discourses in the media which obscure that 75 % of the voters embrace the status quo of free movement and regional citizenship within the EU. Secondly, this final reply connects the move to Far-Right views to general feelings of (...) insecurity that increased in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. Current scape-goat policies regarding immigrants can be traced to strategies of neighborliness, which in turn reflect deeper social and economic anxieties caused by the withdrawal of state services and the logic of neo-liberal capitalism. (shrink)

The author starts from the observation that citizenship and voluntarism are contested terms with diverse meanings. They have also been appropriated by politicians of various persuasions and imbued with meanings associated with ‘feel good’ factors that emphasize serving in a community. Therefore, voluntarism has the potential to continue the exclusion of minority groups, marginalized individuals and collective groupings at the expense of their citizenship rights, particularly those identified by Hannah Arendt as the ‘right to have rights’ that have (...) been endorsed through public policy but today are being undermined by the ‘age of austerity’ in publicly funded welfare states. Against the background of the political context of UK, and the public rhetoric on the ‘Big Society’, the author examines whether citizenship discourses allied with voluntarism support a meaningful endorsement of altruistic solidarity or whether they endorse exploitative relationships under the guise of meeting the public needs. (shrink)

One problem faced by teachers of citizenship is that 'politics' is negatively valued. The concept is actually ambiguous in value. The paper sets out a neutral, a negative, and a positive meaning of the term. It then goes on to explore the way that even on the positive construction there can seem to be ethical problems with politics. This explains both aspects of numerous projects to 'depoliticise' society and government, and to depoliticise citizenship education. But, the alternatives mean (...) that we lose important political values. (shrink)

Citizenship education is a complex matter, and not least the place of civic virtues in it. This is illustrated by a consideration of the civic virtue of gratitude. Two conceptions of gratitude are explored. Gratitude seen as a debt is examined and Kant’s exposition of it, including his objections to a person’s getting himself into the position where he has to show gratitude as a beneficiary, is explored. An alternative conception of gratitude as recognition is developed. This, it is (...) claimed, has more relevance to the kind of gratitude it would be appropriate for citizens of a democratic state to feel. The educational implications of these views are indicated. (shrink)

This article questions the meanings and expression of "citizenship" in the context of new Latina and Latino migration into the southeastern United States-a region long marked by legally policed racial systems and now experiencing the varied shocks of globalization. Focused on a legislative campaign that won access to a state-issued driver's licence for undocumented migrants in Tennessee in spring 2001, the article explores some of the tensions that emerged on the road to this unlikely victory and raises questions for (...) the immigrants' rights movement in the US about the costs and gains that may follow from different ways of framing its demands. The dominant frame this particular campaign adopted was a pragmatic and politically acceptable call to improve traffic safety, one that reflected a conscious choice to downplay issues of rights, justice or global perspective. Yet the article also reports that the campaign in fact created and used opportunities for activists to raise issues related to migrant rights. It also made a dramatic, albeit temporary, improvement in the daily lives of migrants in the state. The article then sketches three citizenship norms that current struggles might prefigure. These three norms are: the full right to international mobility of human beings; the right to identity; and duties of citizenship in a globalizing world. (shrink)

For them, citizenship is by definition a matter of treating people as individuals with equal rights under the law. This is what distinguishes democratic citizenship from feudal and other pre-modern views that determined people's political status by ...