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  1.  76
    Democracy without Shortcuts. A participatory conception of deliberative democracy.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    This book articulates a participatory conception of deliberative democracy that takes the democratic ideal of self-government seriously. It aims to improve citizens' democratic control and vindicate the value of citizens' participation against conceptions that threaten to undermine it. The book critically analyzes deep pluralist, epistocratic, and lottocratic conceptions of democracy. Their defenders propose various institutional ''shortcuts'' to help solve problems of democratic governance such as overcoming disagreements, citizens' political ignorance, or poor-quality deliberation. However, all these shortcut proposals require citizens to (...)
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  2. The place of self-interest and the role of power in deliberative democracy.Jane Mansbridge, James Bohman, Simone Chambers, David Estlund, Andreas Føllesdal, Archon Fung, Cristina Lafont, Bernard Manin & José Luis Martí - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):64-100.
  3.  71
    Democracy without shortcuts.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - Constellations 26 (3):355-360.
  4. Deliberation, Participation, and Democratic Legitimacy: Should Deliberative Mini‐publics Shape Public Policy?Cristina Lafont - 2014 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (1):40-63.
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  5.  20
    Critical Theory in Critical Times: Transforming the Global Political and Economic Order.Cristina Lafont & Penelope Deutscher (eds.) - 2017 - New York, USA: Columbia University Press.
    World-renowned specialists in contemporary critical theory address the recent crises and transformations of the global political and economic order.
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  6.  24
    The Linguistic Turn in Hermeneutic Philosophy.Cristina Lafont - 1999 - MIT Press.
    Cristina Lafont draws upon Hilary Putnam's work in particular to criticize the linguistic idealism and relativism of the German tradition, which she traces back to the assumption that meaning determines reference.
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  7. Heidegger, language, and world-disclosure.Cristina Lafont - 2000 - New York: Cambridge University Press.
    This book is a major contribution to the understanding of Heidegger and a rare attempt to bridge the schism between traditions of analytic and Continental philosophy. Cristina Lafont applies the core methodology of analytic philosophy, language analysis, to Heidegger's work providing both a clearer exegesis and a powerful critique of his approach to the subject of language. In Part One, she explores the Heideggerean conception of language in depth. In Part Two, she draws on recent work from theorists of direct (...)
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  8. Religion in the Public Sphere: Remarks on Habermas's Conception of Public Deliberation in Postsecular Societies.Cristina Lafont - 2007 - Constellations 14 (2):239-259.
  9.  71
    Religion and the public sphere: What are the deliberative obligations of democratic citizenship?Cristina Lafont - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):127-150.
    In this article I analyze Rawls' and Habermas' accounts of the role of religion in political deliberations in the public sphere. After pointing at some difficulties involved in the unequal distribution of deliberative rights and duties among religious and secular citizens that follow from their proposals, I argue for a way to structure political deliberation in the public sphere that imposes the same deliberative obligations on all democratic citizens, whether religious or secular. These obligations derive from the ideal of mutual (...)
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  10.  44
    The return of the critique of ideologies.Cristina Lafont - 2023 - Constellations 30 (4):390-394.
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  11.  15
    Los minipúblicos deliberativos y la concepción populista de la representación como “encarnación” del pueblo.Cristina Lafont & Luciana Wisky - 2022 - Las Torres de Lucca: Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 11 (1):13-21.
    En este trabajo analizo las propuestas de insertar minipúblicos deliberativos en el proceso político para superar las numerosas “brechas” de representación que aquejan actualmente a los sistemas de partidos tradicionales. Sostengo que la noción de representación que subyace a muchas de estas propuestas tiene algunas similitudes importantes con la noción de representación como “encarnación” del pueblo propia del populismo. A partir de un análisis comparativo entre las variedades populistas y lotocráticas de la representación como “encarnación” del pueblo, destaco dos características (...)
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  12. Can Democracy be Deliberative and Participatory? The Democratic Case for Political Uses of Mini-publics.Cristina Lafont - 2017 - Daedalus:85-105.
    This essay focuses on recent proposals to confer decisional status upon deliberative minipublics such as citizen juries, Deliberative Polls, citizen’s assemblies, and so forth. Against such proposals, I argue that inserting deliberative minipublics into political decision-making processes would diminish the democratic legitimacy of the political system as a whole. This negative conclusion invites a question: which political uses of minipublics would yield genuinely democratic improvements? Drawing from a participatory conception of deliberative democracy, I propose several uses of minipublics that could (...)
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  13. Moral Objectivity and Reasonable Agreement: Can Realism Be Reconciled with Kantian Constructivism?Cristina Lafont - 2004 - Ratio Juris 17 (1):27-51.
    In this paper I analyze the tension between realism and antirealism at the basis of Kantian constructivism. This tension generates a conflictive account of the source of the validity of social norms. On the one hand, the claim to moral objectivity characteristic of Kantian moral theories makes the validity of norms depend on realist assumptions concerning the existence of shared fundamental interests among all rational human beings. I illustrate this claim through a comparison of the approaches of Rawls, Habermas and (...)
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  14. Against Anti-democratic Shortcuts: A Few Replies to Critics.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Journal of Deliberative Democracy 16 (2):96-109.
    In this essay, I address several questions and challenges brought about by the contributors to the special issue on my book Democracy without Shortcuts. In particular, I address some implications of my critique of deep pluralism; distinguish between three senses of ‘blind deference’: political, reflective, and informational; draw a critical parallelism between the populist conception of representation as embodiment and the conception of ‘citizen-representatives’ often ascribed to participants in deliberative minipublics; defend the democratic attractiveness of participatory uses over empowered uses (...)
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  15.  63
    Sovereignty and the International Protection of Human Rights.Cristina Lafont - 2015 - Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (4):427-445.
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  16.  13
    Sprache und Welterschliessung: zur linguistischen Wende der Hermeneutik Heideggers.Cristina Lafont - 1994 - Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
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  17.  47
    (1 other version)Human Rights, Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect.Cristina Lafont - 2015 - Constellations 22 (1):68-78.
  18.  34
    A democracy, if we can keep it. Remarks on J. Habermas’ a new structural transformation of the public sphere.Cristina Lafont - 2023 - Constellations 30 (1):77-83.
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  19.  19
    Should We Take the “Human” Out of Human Rights? Human Dignity in a Corporate World.Cristina Lafont - 2016 - Ethics and International Affairs 30 (2):233-252.
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  20. Was Heidegger an externalist?Cristina Lafont - 2005 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 48 (6):507 – 532.
    To address the question posed in the title, I focus on Heidegger's conception of linguistic communication developed in the sections on Rede and Gerede of Being and Time. On the basis of a detailed analysis of these sections I argue that Heidegger was a social externalist but semantic internalist. To make this claim, however, I first need to clarify some key points that have led critics to assume Heidegger's commitment to social externalism automatically commits him to semantic externalism regarding concept (...)
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  21.  37
    Remarks of a young Habermasian on Jürgen Habermas’ Also a History of Philosophy.Cristina Lafont - 2021 - Constellations 28 (1):25-32.
  22. Heidegger and the synthetic a-priori.Cristina Lafont - 2007 - In Steven Galt Crowell & Jeff Malpas (eds.), Transcendental Heidegger. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. pp. 104--118.
  23. Procedural justice?: Implications of the Rawls-Habermas debate for discourse ethics.Cristina Lafont - 2003 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 29 (2):163-181.
    In this paper I focus on the discussion between Rawls and Habermas on procedural justice. I use Rawls’s distinction between pure, perfect, and imperfect procedural justice to distinguish three possible readings of discourse ethics. Then I argue, against Habermas’s own recent claims, that only an interpretation of discourse ethics as imperfect procedural justice can make compatible its professed cognitivism with its proceduralism. Thus discourse ethics cannot be understood as a purely procedural account of the notion of justice. Finally I draw (...)
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  24.  89
    Accountability and global governance: challenging the state-centric conception of human rights.Cristina Lafont - 2010 - Ethics and Global Politics 3 (3):193-215.
    In this essay I analyze some conceptual difficulties associated with the demand that global institutions be made more democratically accountable. In the absence of a world state, it may seem inconsistent to insist that global institutions be accountable to all those subject to their decisions while also insisting that the members of these institutions, as representatives of states, simultaneously remain accountable to the citizens of their own countries for the special responsibilities they have towards them. This difficulty seems insurmountable in (...)
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  25.  36
    Replies.Cristina Lafont - 2002 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 45 (2):229 – 248.
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  26.  75
    (1 other version)Alternative visions of a new global order: what should cosmopolitans hope for?Cristina Lafont - 2008 - Ethics and Global Politics 1 (1-2).
    In this essay, I analyze the cosmopolitan project for a new international order that Habermas has articulated in recent publications. I argue that his presentation of the project oscillates between two models. The first is a very ambitious model for a future international order geared to fulfill the peace and human rights goals of the UN Charter. The second is a minimalist model, in which the obligation to protect human rights by the international community is circumscribed to the negative duty (...)
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  27.  37
    Are human rights associative rights? The debate between humanist and political conceptions of human rights revisited.Cristina Lafont - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (1):29-49.
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  28.  40
    Defending Democratic Participation Against Shortcuts: a Few Replies to Thomas Christiano.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Jus Cogens 2 (2):205-214.
    In this essay, I address some questions and challenges brought about by Thomas Christiano in his inspiring review of my book Democracy without Shortcuts. First, I defend the democratic credentials of the conception of self-government that I articulate in the book against conceptions of self-determination that are allegedly compatible with non-democratic government. To do so, I clarify some aspects of the notion of “blind deference” that I use in the book as a contrast concept to identify a minimal, necessary condition (...)
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  29. A militant defence of democracy: A few replies to my critics.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 47 (1):69-82.
    In this essay, I address some questions and challenges brought about by the contributors to this special issue on my book ‘Democracy without Shortcuts’. First, I clarify different aspects of my cri...
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  30. Global Governance and Human Rights.Cristina Lafont - 2012 - Amsterdam: van Gorcum.
  31. Meaning and Interpretation: Can Brandomian Scorekeepers be Gadamerian Hermeneuts?Cristina Lafont - 2007 - Philosophy Compass 3 (1):17-29.
    In his book Tales of the Mighty Dead Brandom engages Gadamer’s hermeneutic conception of interpretation in order to show that his inferentialist approach to understanding conceptual content can explain and underwrite the main theses of Gadamer’s hermeneutics which he calls “the gadamerian hermeneutic platitudes”. In order to assess whether this claim is sound, I analyze the three types of philosophical interpretations that Brandom discusses: de re, de dicto and de traditione, and argue that they commit him to an “ecumenical historicism” (...)
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  32.  36
    Justicia global en una sociedad mundial pluralista.Cristina Lafont - 2008 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia):139-162.
    En la discusión contemporánea sobre modelos normativos para un nuevo orden internacional está ampliamente aceptado que la justicia internacional requiere garantizar la paz, la seguridad y la defensa de los derechos humanos. Sin embargo, así́ como los objetivos de paz y seguridad son incontrovertibles, no puede decirse lo mismo del objetivo de protección de los derechos humanos. Los habituales candidatos al desacuerdo son los llamados derechos económicos y sociales, seguidos por los derechos políticos a la participación democrática. Pero, desgraciadamente, ni (...)
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  33. Is Objectivity Perspectival? Reflexions on Brandom's and Habermas's Pragmatist Conceptions of Objectivity.Cristina Lafont - 2002 - In Mitchell Aboulafia, Myra Orbach Bookman & Catherine Kemp (eds.), Habermas and pragmatism. New York: Routledge. pp. 185--209.
  34. La razón como lenguaje. Una revisión del "giro lingüístico" en la filosofía del lenguaje alemana.Cristina Lafont - 1994 - Critica 26 (76/77):237-248.
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  35.  65
    Can democracy go global?Cristina Lafont - 2010 - Ethics and Global Politics 3 (1):13-19.
    In his Democracy across borders, Bohman articulates an ambitious political proposal for a future international order. Perhaps its most salient feature is the promise of global democracy without a world government. Global democracy is usually associated with the ideal of a world community unified under a set of global democratic institutions. Fear of the totalitarian consequences that such a concentration of power would generate often leads even the staunchest cosmopolitans to limit their democratic aspirations to the national level and merely (...)
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  36.  12
    Habermas-Handbuch.Hauke Brunkhorst, Regina Kreide & Cristina Lafont (eds.) - 2009 - Stuttgart: Metzler.
    Bekanntester deutscher Philosoph der Gegenwart. Seit mehr als fünfzig Jahren prägt Jürgen Habermas das intellektuelle Leben Deutschlands und darüber hinaus. Mit seinem Werk nimmt er entscheidenden Einfluss auf die Wissenschaften, auf Politik und aktuelle gesellschaftliche Diskussionen. Neben einem Überblick zur Biografie stellt das Handbuch Habermas intellektuelle Kontexte, wie z. B. die Frankfurter Schule, vor und beleuchtet die wichtigsten Stationen seines komplexen Werkes. Der Schlussteil informiert über Begriffe und Konzepte, die sich durch das gesamte Werk ziehen.
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  37.  64
    Agreement and consent in Kant and Habermas: Can Kantian constructivism be fruitful for democratic theory?1.Cristina Lafont - 2012 - Philosophical Forum 43 (3):277-295.
  38.  59
    Pre´cis of Heidegger, Language, and World-disclosure.Cristina Lafont - 2002 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 45 (2):185 – 189.
  39.  20
    Revisiting the Liberal Case against Liberal Eugenics.Cristina Lafont - 2024 - Res Philosophica 101 (2):359-376.
    In his book The Future of Human Nature, Habermas argues against the moral and legal permissibility of any future practices of genetic human enhancement as well as against current practices such as embryonic research or preimplantation genetic diagnosis. After analyzing the core of Habermas’s argument against positive eugenics, I argue that his attempt to derive a principle of abstention under uncertainty from the principle of counterfactual consent assumes that non-interference is the proper default norm in the absence of consent. Yet, (...)
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  40.  12
    Hermeneutics.Cristina Lafont - 2005 - In Hubert L. Dreyfus & Mark A. Wrathall (eds.), A Companion to Heidegger. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 265–284.
    This chapter contains sections titled: Historical Background: Philosophical Continuities and Discontinuities Behind the Project of Being and Time The New Conceptual Framework: The Ontological Difference The Hermeneutic Notion of World The Priority of Understanding over Perception The Fore‐structure of Understanding Cognition as a Mode of Interpretation.
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  41. Philosophical Foundations of Judicial Review.Cristina Lafont - 2016 - In David Dyzenhaus & Malcolm Thorburn (eds.), Philosophical Foundations of Constitutional Law. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press UK. pp. 265-282.
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  42.  34
    Realismo y constructivismo en la teoría moral kantiana: el ejemplo de la ética del discurso.Cristina Lafont - 2002 - Isegoría 27:115-129.
    En este artículo se argumenta contra la interpretación metaética del kantianismo moral como una forma de constructivismo o antirealismo moral. Dado que los kantianos no comparten el expresivismo característico del antirealismo moral estándar, el constructivismo kantiano parece llevar a una posición inherentemente inestable que sólo puede desarrollarse o bien en un realismo consistente con el cognitivismo moral kantiano o en un decidido antirealismo moral. Tomando la ética del discurso de Habermas como ejemplo, aquí se contrasta una interpretación realista con una (...)
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  43.  23
    Spannungen im Wahrheitsbegriff.Cristina Lafont - 1994 - Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 42 (6):1007-1024.
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  44.  43
    Human Rights and the Legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions.Cristina Lafont - 2013 - Revista Latinoamericana de Filosofía Política 2 (1).
    In a recent article Allan Buchanan and Robert Keohane defend the view that one of the necessary conditions for the legitimacy of global governance institutions such as the WTO and the IMF is that they respect basic human rights. I certainly agree that setting the minimal threshold of moral acceptability any lower would be entirely unreasonable. But, unfortunately, the view that global governance institutions have human rights obligations is far from uncontroversial. These institutions themselves go to great lengths to deny (...)
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  45.  37
    Deliberation and Voting: An Institutional Account of the Legitimacy of Democratic Decision-Making Procedures.Cristina Lafont - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-16.
    In this essay I defend an institutional approach to democratic legitimacy against proceduralist approaches that are commonly endorsed by deliberative democrats. Although deliberative democrats defend a complex view of democratic legitimacy that aims to account for both the procedural and substantive dimensions of legitimacy, most accounts of the relationship between these dimensions currently on offer are too proceduralist to be plausible (I). By contrast, I argue that adopting an institutional approach helps provide a more convincing account of the interplay between (...)
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  46.  60
    Neoliberal globalization and the international protection of human rights.Cristina Lafont - 2018 - Constellations 25 (3):315-328.
  47.  22
    Realismus und Konstruktivismus in der kantianischen Moralphilosophie - das Beispiel der Diskursethik Habermas und Kant.Cristina Lafont & Reinhard Brandt - 2002 - Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 50 (1):39-52.
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  48.  43
    Responsabilidad, inclusión y gobernanza global: Una crítica de la concepción estatista de los derechos humanos.Cristina Lafont - 2010 - Isegoría 43:407-434.
    En este ensayo analizo algunas dificultades conceptuales asociadas a la exigencia de que las instituciones globales adquieran un grado mayor de legitimidad democrática. En ausencia de un Estado mundial, puede parecer inconsistente exigir que las instituciones globales sean responsables ante todos los que han de acatar sus decisiones y al mismo tiempo insistir en que los miembros de dichas instituciones, en tanto que representantes de sus respectivos Estados, mantengan las responsabilidades especiales que tienen con los ciudadanos de sus propios países. (...)
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  49. The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):45-60.
    In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The main (...)
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  50. Democracia y deliberación pública.Cristina Lafont - 2007 - In Rodolfo Arango Rivadeneira (ed.), Filosofía de la democracia: fundamentos conceptuales. Bogotá, D.C.: Ediciones Uniandes, CESO. pp. 125--146.
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