4 found
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  1.  70
    Even-NPIs in YES/NO Questions.Elena Guerzoni - 2004 - Natural Language Semantics 12 (4):319-343.
    It has been a long-standing puzzle that Negative Polarity Items appear to split into two subvarieties when their effect on the interpretation of questions is taken into account: while questions with any and ever can be used as unbiased requests of information, questions with so-called `minimizers', i.e. idioms like lift a finger and the faintest idea, are always biased towards a negative answer (cf. Ladusaw 1979). Focusing on yes/no questions, this paper presents a solution to this puzzle. Specifically it is (...)
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  2. Barry Schein.Marcelo Ferreira Copley, Elena Guerzoni, Martin Hackl, Elena Herburger, Jim Higginbotham, Norbert Homstein, Kathrin Koslicki, Utpal Lahiri, Richard Larson & Peter Ludlow - 2006 - In Barry C. Smith (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Language. Oxford University Press.
     
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  3.  7
    When tense shifts presuppositions: hani and monstrous semantics.Furkan Dikmen, Elena Guerzoni & Ömer Demirok - 2024 - Natural Language Semantics 32 (2):231-268.
    This study shows that the Turkish expression _hani_ exhibits interesting properties for the study of the semantics and pragmatics interface, because, on the one hand, its function is merely pragmatic, but on the other hand, it is subject to the truth-conditional effect of other constituents at LF. This notwithstanding, studies on this expression are remarkably scarce. The only attempts to describe its properties are Erguvanlı-Taylan (Studies on Turkish and Turkic languages; proceedings of the ninth international conference on Turkish linguistics, 133–143, (...)
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  4.  48
    Intervention effects on NPIs and feature movement: towards a unified account of intervention. [REVIEW]Elena Guerzoni - 2006 - Natural Language Semantics 14 (4):359-398.
    In this paper, I explore the possibility of understanding locality restrictions on the distribution of Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) as a consequence of covert movement. The present proposal restates Linebarger’s Immediate Scope Constraint in terms of morphology-driven checking requirements. These requirements cannot be met if a blocking element intervenes between the NPI feature and its morphosemantic licenser at Logical Form (LF). The empirical generalization is that the class of NPI ‘blocking expressions’ (a.k.a. ‘interveners’) overlaps to a large extent with interveners (...)
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