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Jeffrey Friedman [70]Jeffrey Phillip Friedman [1]Jeffrey Mark Friedman [1]
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Jeffrey Friedman
University of California, Berkeley
  1.  17
    Democratic Competence in Normative and Positive Theory: Neglected Implications of “the Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics”.Jeffrey Friedman - 2006 - Critical Review 18 (1-3):1-43.
    ?The Nature of Belief Systems? sets forth a Hobson's choice between rule by the politically ignorant masses and rule by the ideologically constrained?which is to say, the doctrinaire?elites. On the one hand, lacking comprehensive cognitive structures, such as ideological ?belief systems,? with which to understand politics, most people learn distressingly little about it. On the other hand, a spiral of conviction seems to make it difficult for the highly informed few to see any aspects of politics but those that confirm (...)
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  2.  56
    Popper, Weber, and Hayek: The Epistemology and Politics of Ignorance.Jeffrey Friedman - 2005 - Critical Review 17 (1-2):1-58.
    Karl Popper's methodology highlights our scientific ignorance: hence the need to institutionalize open?mindedness through controlled experiments that may falsify our fallible theories about the world. In his endorsement of?piecemeal social engineering,? Popper assumes that the social?democratic state and its citizens are capable of detecting social problems, and of assessing the results of policies aimed at solving them, through a process of experimentation analogous to that of natural science. But we are not only scientifically but politically ignorant: ignorant of the facts (...)
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  3.  15
    Taking Ignorance Seriously: Rejoinder to Critics.Jeffrey Friedman - 2006 - Critical Review 18 (4):467-532.
    In ?Popper, Weber, and Hayek,? I claimed that the economic and political world governed by social democracy is too complex to offer hope for rational social?democratic policy making. I extrapolated this conclusion from the claim, made by Austrian?school economists in the 1920s and 30s, that central economic planning would face insurmountable ?knowledge problems.? Israel Kirzner's Reply indicates the need to keep the Austrians? cognitivist argument conceptually distinct from more familiar incentives arguments, which can tacitly reintroduce the assumption of omniscience against (...)
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  4. Causes of the Financial Crisis‗.Jeffrey Friedman - forthcoming - Critical Review.
    The financial crisis was caused by the complex, constantly growing web of regulations designed to constrain and redirect modern capitalism. This complexity made investors, bankers, and perhaps regulators themselves ignorant of regulations previously promulgated across decades and in different “fields” of regulation. These regulations interacted with each other to foster the issuance and securitization of subprime mortgages; their rating as AA or AAA; and their concentration on the balance sheets (and off the balance sheets) of many commercial and investment banks. (...)
     
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  5. The Rational Choice Controversy: Economic Models of Politics Reconsidered.Jeffrey Friedman (ed.) - 1996 - Yale University Press.
    _Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory_, a book written by Donald Green and Ian Shapiro and published in 1994, excited much controversy among political scientists and promoted a dialogue among them that was printed in a double issue of the journal Critical Review in 1995. This new book reproduces thirteen essays from the journal written by senior scholars in the field, along with an introduction by the editor of the journal, Jeffrey Friedman, and a rejoinder to the essays by Green and (...)
     
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  6.  16
    Public Ignorance and Democratic Theory.Jeffrey Friedman - 1998 - Critical Review 12 (4):397-411.
  7.  38
    The Irrelevance of Economic Theory to Understanding Economic Ignorance.Stephen Earl Bennett & Jeffrey Friedman - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (3):195-258.
    Bryan Caplan’s The Myth of the Rational Voter treats several immensely important and understudied topics—public ignorance of economics, political ideology, and their connection to policy error—from an orthodox economic perspective whose applicability to these topics is overwhelmingly disproven by the available evidence. Moreover, Caplan adds to the traditional and largely irrelevant orthodox economic notion of rational public ignorance the claim that when voters favor counterproductive economic policies, they do so deliberately, i.e., knowingly. This leads him to assume that “emotion or (...)
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  8.  43
    What's Wrong with Libertarianism.Jeffrey Friedman - 1997 - Critical Review 11 (3):407-467.
    Abstract Libertarian arguments about the empirical benefits of capitalism are, as yet, inadequate to convince anyone who lacks libertarian philosophical convictions. Yet ?philosophical? libertarianism founders on internal contradictions that render it unfit to make libertarians out of anyone who does not have strong consequentialist reasons for libertarian belief. The joint failure of these two approaches to libertarianism explains why they are both present in orthodox libertarianism?they hide each other's weaknesses, thereby perpetuating them. Libertarianism retains significant potential for illuminating the modern (...)
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  9.  54
    A Crisis of Politics, Not Economics: Complexity, Ignorance, and Policy Failure.Jeffrey Friedman - 2009 - Critical Review 21 (2-3):127-183.
    ABSTRACT The financial crisis was caused by the complex, constantly growing web of regulations designed to constrain and redirect modern capitalism. This complexity made investors, bankers, and perhaps regulators themselves ignorant of regulations promulgated across decades and in different ?fields? of regulation. These regulations interacted with each other to foster the issuance and securitization of subprime mortgages; their rating as AA or AAA; and previously their concentration on the balance sheets (and off the balance sheets) of many commercial and investment (...)
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  10.  4
    Introduction: Economic Approaches to Politics.Jeffrey Friedman - 2017 - In Louis Putterman (ed.), The Rational Choice Controversy. Yale University Press. pp. 1-24.
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  11.  10
    A “Weapon in the Hands of the People”: The Rhetorical Presidency in Historical and Conceptual Context.Jeffrey Friedman - 2007 - Critical Review 19 (2-3):197-240.
    The Tulis thesis becomes even more powerful when the constitutional revolution he describes is put in its Progressive‐Era context. The public had long demanded social reforms designed to curb or replace laissez‐faire capitalism, which was seen as antithetical to the interests of ordinary working people. But popular demands for social reform went largely unmet until the 1910s. Democratizing political reforms, such as the rhetorical presidency, were designed to facilitate “change” by finally giving the public the power to enact social reforms. (...)
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  12.  36
    “Search” Vs. “Browse”: A Theory of Error Grounded in Radical (Not Rational) Ignorance.Anthony J. Evans & Jeffrey Friedman - 2011 - Critical Review 23 (1-2):73-104.
    Economists tend to view ignorance as ?rational,? neglecting the possibility that ignorance is unintentional. This oversight is reflected in economists? model of ?information search,? which can be fruitfully contrasted with ?information browsing.? Information searches are designed to discover unknown knowns, whose value is calculable ex ante, such that this value justifies the cost of the search. In this model of human information acquisition, there is no primal or ?radical? ignorance that might prevent people from knowing which information to look for, (...)
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  13.  66
    Political Epistemology.Jeffrey Friedman - 2014 - Critical Review 26 (1-2):1-32.
    ABSTRACTNormative political epistemologists, such as epistemic democrats, study whether political decision makers can, in principle, be expected to know what they need to know if they are to make wise public policy. Empirical political epistemologists study the content and sources of real-world political actors' knowledge and interpretations of knowledge. In recent years, empirical political epistemologists have taken up the study of the ideas of political actors other than voters, such as bureaucrats and politicians. Normative political epistemologists could follow this lead (...)
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  14.  22
    Hayek's Two Epistemologies and the Paradoxes of His Thought.Jeffrey Friedman - 2013 - Critical Review 25 (3-4):277-304.
    Hayek developed two contradictory epistemologies. The epistemology for which he is famous attributed dispersed knowledge to economic actors and credited the price system for aggregating and communicating this knowledge. The other epistemology attributed to human and non-human organisms alike the error-prone interpretation of stimuli, which could never truly be said to be “knowledge.” Several of the paradoxes of Hayek's economic and political thought that are explored in this symposium can be explained by the triumph of the first epistemology over the (...)
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  15.  19
    Motivated Skepticism or Inevitable Conviction? Dogmatism and the Study of Politics.Jeffrey Friedman - 2012 - Critical Review 24 (2):131-155.
    Taber and Lodge's 2006 paper provides powerful evidence that one's prior beliefs shape one's reception of new evidence in a manner that can best be described as ?inadvertently dogmatic.? This is especially true for people who are well informed, which dovetails with findings going back to Converse (1964) showing political beliefs to be ideologically constrained (rigid) among the relatively well informed. What may explain the coincidence of dogmatism and knowledgeability is the very process of learning about politics, which must use (...)
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  16.  21
    Economic Approaches to Politics.Jeffrey Friedman - 1995 - Critical Review 9 (1-2):1-24.
    The debate over Green and Shapiro's Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory sustains their contention that rational choice theory has not produced novel, empirically sustainable findings about politics?if one accepts their definition of empirically sustainable findings. Green and Shapiro show that rational choice research often resembles the empirically vacuous practices in which economists engage under the aegis of instrumentalism. Yet Green and Shapiro's insistence that theoretical constructs should produce accurate predictions may inadvertently lead to instrumentalism. Some of Green and Shapiro's critics (...)
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  17.  38
    Roundtable 1: Public Ignorance: Rational, Irrational, or Inevitable?Scott Althaus, Bryan Caplan, Jeffrey Friedman, Ilya Somin & Nassim Nicholas Taleb - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):423-444.
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  18.  45
    Ignorance as a Starting Point: From Modest Epistemology to Realistic Political Theory.Jeffrey Friedman - 2007 - Critical Review 19 (1):1-22.
  19.  14
    After Democracy, Bureaucracy? Rejoinder to Ciepley.Jeffrey Friedman - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (1):113-137.
    Abstract In a certain sense, voluntary communities and market relationships are relatively less coercive than democracy and bureaucracy: they offer more positive freedom. In that respect, they are more like romantic relationships or friendships than are democracies and bureaucracies. This tends to make voluntary communities and markets not only more pleasant forms of interaction, but more effective ones?contrary to Weber's confidence in the superior rationality of bureaucratic control.
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  20.  11
    The New Consensus: II. The Democratic Welfare State.Jeffrey Friedman - 1990 - Critical Review 4 (4):633-708.
    The goal of the left has been predominantly libertarian: the realization of equal individual freedom. But now, with the demise of leftist hope for radical change that has followed the collapse of ?really existing?; socialism, the world is converging on a compromise between capitalism and the leftist impulse. This compromise is the democratic, interventionist welfare state, which has gained new legitimacy by virtue of combining a ?realistic?; acceptance of the unfortunate need for the market with an attempt to libertarianize capitalism (...)
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  21.  21
    The New Consensus: I. The Fukuyama Thesis.Jeffrey Friedman - 1989 - Critical Review 3 (3-4):373-410.
    Fukuyama's argument that we have recently reached ?The End of History?; is defended against writers who fail to appreciate the Hegelian meaning of Fukuyama's ?Endism,?; but is criticized for using simplistic dichotomies that evade the economic and ideological convergence of East and West. Against Fukuyama, the economic critique of socialism, revisionist scholarship on early Soviet economic history, and the history of the libertarian ideas of Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and Marx are deployed to show that history ?ended?; years ago: the creeds (...)
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  22.  13
    After Libertarianism: Rejoinder to Narveson, McCloskey, Flew, and Machan.Jeffrey Friedman - 1992 - Critical Review 6 (1):113-152.
    Postlibertarianism means abandoning defenses of the intrinsic justice of laissez?faire capitalism, the better to investigate whether the systemic consequences of interfering with capitalism are severe enough to justify laissez?faire. Any sound case for laissez?faire is likely to build on postlibertarian research, for the conviction that laissez?faire is intrinsically just rests upon unsound philosophical assumptions. Conversely, these assumptions, if sound, would make empirical studies of capitalism by libertarian scholars superfluous. Moreover, postmodern approaches to ?libertarianism? perpetuate the same assumptions, in the guise (...)
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  23.  17
    Postmodernism Vs. Postlibertarianism.Jeffrey Friedman - 1991 - Critical Review 5 (2):145-158.
    ?Postmodernism? denotes efforts to replace foundationalist philosophy with contextu?alist, immanentist forms of reason. ?Postlibertarianism? denotes efforts to transcend contemporary minimal statism, questioning both its ?libertarian? moral superstructure and its underlying consequentialist claims and seeking to determine whether the latter can be generalized in a way that displaces the former. Efforts to reach minimal?statist conclusions by postmodern means seem bound to aggravate the problem that plagues contemporary minimal statism: its failure to be true to its consequentialist foundations, reflected in its long?standing (...)
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  24. Political Ignorance and Modern Democracy.Jeffrey Friedman - 2007 - Critical Review 19 (1):1-22.
  25.  19
    Preferences or Happiness? Tibor Scitovsky's Psychology of Human Needs.Jeffrey Friedman & Adam McCabe - 1996 - Critical Review 10 (4):471-480.
  26.  10
    Introduction: Public Opinion and Democracy.Jeffrey Friedman - 1996 - Critical Review 10 (1):1-12.
  27. Special Issue on Tibor Scitovsky's The Joyless Economy After Twenty Years.Jeffrey Friedman, Adam McCabe, Joy Rationalism, Freedom Amartya Sen, Juliet Schor, Ronald Inglehart, Taking Commensality Seriously, Albert O. Hirschman & Michael Benedikt - 1996 - Critical Review 10 (4):471-481.
     
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  28.  14
    Freedom has No Intrinsic Value: Liberalism and Voluntarism.Jeffrey Friedman - 2013 - Critical Review 25 (1):38-85.
    Deontological (as opposed to consequentialist) liberals treat freedom of action as an end in itself, not a means to other ends. Yet logically, when one makes a deliberate choice, one treats freedom of action as if it were not an end in itself, for one uses this freedom as a means to the ends one hopes to achieve through one's action. The tension between deontology and the logic of choice is reflected in the paradoxical nature of the ?right to do (...)
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  29.  23
    Hayek's Political Philosophy and His Economics.Jeffrey Friedman - 1997 - Critical Review 11 (1):1-10.
  30.  9
    Politics or Scholarship?Jeffrey Friedman - 1992 - Critical Review 6 (2-3):429-445.
    Environmental issues imperil the libertarian utopia of a society in which the individual is completely sovereign over his or her private domain. Taken seriously, this aspiration would lead to an environmentalism so extreme that it would preclude human life, since most human activity entails incursions against the sovereign realms of other human beings. The fallback position many libertarians have adopted?free?market environmentalism?retreats from libertarian ideals by permitting some of the physical aggression of pollution to continue. Free?market environmentalism does embody the postlibertarian (...)
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  31.  9
    Accounting for Political Preferences: Cultural Theory Vs. Cultural History.Jeffrey Friedman - 1991 - Critical Review 5 (3):325-351.
    Liberalism sanctifies the values chosen by the sovereign individual. This tends to rule out criticisms of an individual's ?preference? for one value over another by, ironically, establishing a deterministic view of the self that protects the self's desires from scrutiny. Similarly, rational choice approaches to social theory begin with previously determined individual preferences and focus on the means by which they are pursued, concentrating on the results rather than the sources of people's values. A striking new attempt to go behind (...)
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  32.  12
    System Effects and the Problem of Prediction.Jeffrey Friedman - 2012 - Critical Review 24 (3):291-312.
    Robert Jervis's System Effects (1997) shares a great deal with game theory, complex-systems theory, and systems theory in international relations, yet it transcends them all by taking account of the role of ideas in human behavior. The ideational element inserts unpredictability into Jervis's understanding of system effects. Each member of a ?system? of interrelated actors interprets her situation to require certain actions based on the effects these will cause among other members of the system, but these other actors' responses to (...)
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  33.  16
    Public Opinion: Bringing the Media Back In.Jeffrey Friedman - 2003 - Critical Review 15 (3-4):239-260.
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  34.  30
    The Bias Issue.Jeffrey Friedman - 2005 - Critical Review 17 (3-4):221-236.
  35.  17
    Roundtable 2: Ignorance and Error.Scott Althaus, John Bullock, Jeffrey Friedman, Arthur Lupia & Paul Quirk - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):445-461.
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  36.  33
    Methodological Vs. Normative Individualism.Jeffrey Friedman - 1990 - Critical Review 4 (1-2):5-9.
  37.  13
    Session VII. A New Paradigm for the Social Sciences? Introductory Remarks: Liah Greenfeld Moderator: Jonathan Eastwood Participants: Ali Banuazizi.Carlos Casanova, Jeffrey Friedman, Geoffrey Hill, Natan Press, George Prevelakis, Michael O. Rabin, Nathalie Richard, Joseph E. Steinmetz & Peter Wood - 2004 - Critical Review 16 (2-3).
  38.  6
    Preface.Jeffrey Friedman - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):415-415.
  39.  34
    Locke as Politician.Jeffrey Friedman - 1988 - Critical Review 2 (2-3):64-101.
    REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND LOCKE S TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT by Richard Ashcraft Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. 613 pp., $65.00, $15.00 (paper) LOCKE'S TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT by Richard Ashcraft London: Allen & Unwin, 1987. 316 pp., $34.95.
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  40.  9
    Liberalism and Post‐Structuralism.Jeffrey Friedman - 1989 - Critical Review 3 (1):5-6.
  41.  36
    Roundtable 4: Political Dogmatism.Scott Althaus, David Barash, Jeffrey Friedman, George E. Marcus & Charles S. Taber - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):481-498.
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  42.  38
    Roundtable 3: Political Ignorance, Empirical Realities.Samuel DeCanio, Jeffrey Friedman, David R. Mayhew, Michael H. Murakami & Nick Weller - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):463-480.
  43.  37
    Roundtable on Political Epistemology.Scott Althaus, Mark Bevir, Jeffrey Friedman, Hélène Landemore, Rogers Smith & Susan Stokes - 2014 - Critical Review 26 (1-2):1-32.
    On August 30, 2013, the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on political epistemology as part of its annual meetings. Co-chairing the roundtable were Jeffrey Friedman, Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin; and Hélène Landemore, Department of Political Science, Yale University. The other participants were Scott Althaus, Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Mark Bevir, Department of Political Science, University of California at Berkeley; Rogers Smith, Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania; and Susan (...)
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  44.  15
    The Problem of Epistocratic Identification and the (Possibly) Dysfunctional Division of Epistemic Labor.Jeffrey Friedman - 2017 - Critical Review 29 (3):293-327.
    ABSTRACTHow can political actors identify which putative expert is truly expert, given that any putative expert may be wrong about a given policy question; given that experts may therefore disagree with one another; and given that other members of the polity, being non-expert, can neither reliably adjudicate inter-expert disagreement nor detect when a consensus of experts is misguided? This would not be an important question if the problems dealt with by politics were usually simple ones, in the sense that the (...)
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  45.  8
    Globalization, Neither Evil nor Inevitable.Jeffrey Friedman - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (1):1-10.
  46.  13
    Economic Consequentialism and Beyond.Jeffrey Friedman - 1994 - Critical Review 8 (4):493-502.
  47.  11
    Roundtable on Ideational Turns in the Four Subdisciplines of Political Science.Jeffrey Checkel, Jeffrey Friedman, Matthias Matthijs & Rogers Smith - 2016 - Critical Review 28 (2):171-202.
    ABSTRACTOn September 4, 2015, the Political Epistemology/ideas, Knowledge, and Politics section of the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on ideational turns in the four subdisciplines of political science as part of its annual meetings. Chairing the roundtable was Jeffrey Friedman, Department of Government, University of Texas, Austin. The other participants were Jeffrey Checkel, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University; Matthias Matthijs, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; and Rogers Smith, Department of Political Science, University of (...)
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  48.  26
    Pluralism or Relativism?Jeffrey Friedman - 1997 - Critical Review 11 (4):469-479.
  49.  18
    Roundtable 5: Normative Implications.Jeffrey Friedman, Tom Hoffman, Russell Muirhead, Mark Pennington & Ilya Somin - 2008 - Critical Review 20 (4):499-525.
  50.  20
    F. A. Hayek's Sociology.Jeffrey Friedman - 1989 - Critical Review 3 (2):165-168.
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