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  1.  32
    Machiavellian Democracy.John P. McCormick (ed.) - 2010 - Cambridge University Press.
    Machine generated contents note: 1. Introduction: class, liberty, and popular government; Part I: 2. Peoples, patricians, and the prince; 3. Democratic republics and the oppressive appetite of young nobles; Part II: 4. The benefits and limits of popular participation and judgment; 5. Elections, lotteries and class specific institutions; 6. Political trials and 'the free way of life'; Part III: 7. Republicanism and democracy; 8. Post-electoral republics and the people's tribunate revived.
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  2.  70
    Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology.John P. McCormick - 1997 - Cambridge University Press.
    This is the first in-depth critical appraisal in English of the political, legal, and cultural writings of Carl Schmitt, perhaps this century's most brilliant critic of liberalism. It offers an assessment of this most sophisticated of fascist theorists without attempting either to apologise for or demonise him. Schmitt's Weimar writings confront the role of technology as it finds expression through the principles and practices of liberalism. Contemporary political conditions such as disaffection with liberalism and the rise of extremist political organizations (...)
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  3. Machiavelli Against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments".John P. McCormick - 2003 - Political Theory 31 (5):615-643.
    Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for (...)
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  4. Subdue the Senate.John P. McCormick - 2012 - Political Theory 40 (6):714-735.
    This article analyzes Machiavelli's accounts of the historical figures Agathocles, Clearchus, Appius and Pacuvius to (1) accentuate the Florentine's distinction between tyranny and civic leadership, (2) identify the proper place of elite punishment and popular empowerment in his conception of democratic politics, and (3) criticize contemporary Straussian and "radical" interpreters of Machiavelli for profoundly underestimating the roles that popular judgment and popular rule play within his political thought.
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  5. Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology.John P. McCormick - 1999 - Cambridge University Press.
    This is the first in-depth critical appraisal in English of the political, legal, and cultural writings of Carl Schmitt, perhaps this century's most brilliant critic of liberalism. It offers an assessment of this most sophisticated of fascist theorists without attempting either to apologise for or demonise him. Schmitt's Weimar writings confront the role of technology as it finds expression through the principles and practices of liberalism. Contemporary political conditions such as disaffection with liberalism and the rise of extremist political organizations (...)
     
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  6. Fear, Technology, and the State.John P. Mccormick - 1994 - Political Theory 22 (4):619-652.
    It is striking that one of the most consequential representatives of [the] abstract scientific orientation of the seventeenth century [Thomas Hobbes] became so personalistic. This is because as a juristic thinker he wanted to grasp the reality of societal life just as much as he, as a philosopher and a natural scientist, wanted to grasp the reality of nature.... [J]uristic thought in those days had not yet become so overpowered by the natural sciences that he, in the intensity of his (...)
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  7.  38
    Republicanism and Democracy.John P. McCormick - 2013 - In Andreas Niederberger & Philipp Schink (eds.), Republican Democracy: Liberty, Law and Politics. Edinburgh University Press.
    This chapter explores the notion of popular participation advocated by philosopher-statesmen of the past such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, Leonardo Bruni and Francesco Guicciardini, and its political outcomes in relation to the common good. It highlights the significant similarities between traditional republicanism and the ideas of Philip Pettit. Drawing on the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, it argues that the people are much more likely than the few to make decisions that promote the common good within republics. It also suggests that (...)
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  8.  14
    Machiavelli Against Republicanism.John P. McCormick - 2003 - Political Theory 31 (5):615-643.
    Scholars loosely affiliated with the “Cambridge School” accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform (...)
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  9.  66
    Derrida on Law; or, Poststructuralism Gets Serious.John P. Mccormick - 2001 - Political Theory 29 (3):395-423.
  10.  13
    Weimar Thought: A Contested Legacy.John P. McCormick & Peter E. Gordon (eds.) - 2013 - Princeton University Press.
    A comprehensive look at the intellectual and cultural innovations of the Weimar period During its short lifespan, the Weimar Republic witnessed an unprecedented flowering of achievements in many areas, including psychology, political theory, physics, philosophy, literary and cultural criticism, and the arts. Leading intellectuals, scholars, and critics—such as Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, Ernst Bloch, Bertolt Brecht, and Martin Heidegger—emerged during this time to become the foremost thinkers of the twentieth century. Even today, the Weimar era remains a vital resource for (...)
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  11.  20
    Post-Enlightenment Sources of Political Authority: Biblical Atheism, Political Theology and the Schmitt–Strauss Exchange.John P. McCormick - 2011 - History of European Ideas 37 (2):175-180.
    This essay reevaluates the Weimar writings of Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, specifically, their intellectual efforts to replace the political authority of Kantian liberalism with, respectively, a ‘political theology’ and ‘Biblical atheism’ derived from the thought of early-modern state theorists like Hobbes and Spinoza. Schmitt and Strauss each insisted that post-Kantian Enlightenment rationality was unraveling into a way of thinking that violently rejected ‘form’ of any kind, fixated myopically on material things and lacked any conception of the external constraints that (...)
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  12.  10
    Machiavelli's Political Trials and “The Free Way of Life”.John P. McCormick - 2007 - Political Theory 35 (4):385-411.
    This essay examines the political trials through which, according to Machiavelli's Discourses, republics should punish magistrates and prominent citizens who threaten or violate popular liberty. Unlike modern constitutions, which assign indictments and appeals to small numbers of government officials, Machiavelli's neo-Roman model encourages individual citizens to accuse corrupt or usurping elites and promotes the entire citizenry as political jury and court of appeal. Machiavellian political justice requires, on the one hand, equitable, legal procedures that serve all citizens by punishing guilty (...)
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  13.  30
    Political Theory and Political Theology: The Second Wave of Carl Schmitt in English.John P. McCormick - 1998 - Political Theory 26 (6):830-854.
  14.  17
    Of Tribunes and Tyrants: Machiavelli's Legal and Extra‐Legal Modes for Controlling Elites.John P. McCormick - 2015 - Ratio Juris 28 (2):252-266.
    This essay examines the two means by which Machiavelli thought republics could address the political problem of predatory socio-economic elites: Healthy republics, he proposes explicitly, should consistently check the “insolence of the nobles” by establishing constitutional offices like the Roman tribunes of the plebeians; corrupt republics, he suggests more subtly, should completely eliminate overweening oligarchs via the violent actions of a tyrannical individual. Roman-styled tribunes, wielding veto, legislative and accusatory authority, contain the oppressive behavior of socio-economic elites during normal republican (...)
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  15.  58
    Rousseau’s Rome and the Repudiation of Populist Republicanism.John P. McCormick - 2007 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10 (1):3-27.
  16.  11
    Pocock, Machiavelli and Political Contingency in Foreign Affairs: Republican Existentialism Outside (and Within) the City.John P. McCormick - 2017 - History of European Ideas 43 (2):171-183.
    SUMMARYIn this essay, inspired by J.G.A. Pocock's appropriation of Machiavelli's theory of political contingency, and building upon my previous engagements with Pocock's ‘republican existentialism’, I focus on the role played by ‘accidents’ in Machiavelli's analysis of war and foreign affairs within The Prince and the Discourses. In so doing, I consider the following issues: the ways through which a potential imperial hegemon might consolidate control over nearby lesser powers—and, conversely, how such less powerful polities might resist imperial encroachments on their (...)
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  17.  7
    Confronting Mass Democracy and Industrial Technology: Political and Social Theory From Nietzsche to Habermas.John P. McCormick (ed.) - 2002 - Duke University Press.
    This rich volume is sure to attract scholarly attention in a variety of fields. There is nothing else like it in print.
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  18.  5
    Political Trials, Dictatorship, and War.John P. Mccormick, Andreas Kalyvas & Jill Frank - 2007 - Political Theory 35 (4):385-467.
    This essay examines the political trials through which, according to Machiavelli's Discourses, republics should punish magistrates and prominent citizens who threaten or violate popular liberty. Unlike modern constitutions, which assign indictments and appeals to small numbers of government officials, Machiavelli's neo-Roman model encourages individual citizens to accuse corrupt or usurping elites and promotes the entire citizenry as political jury and court of appeal. Machiavellian political justice requires, on the one hand, equitable, legal procedures that serve all citizens by punishing guilty (...)
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  19. Dangers of Mythologizing Technology and Politics: Nietzsche, Schmitt and the Antichrist.John P. McCormick - 1995 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 21 (4):55-92.
  20.  23
    Justice, Interpretation, and Violence.John P. Mccormick - 2001 - Political Theory 29 (6):876-881.
  21. The Crisis of Constitutional-Social Democracy in the Weimar Republic.John P. McCormick - 2002 - European Journal of Political Theory 1 (1):121-128.
  22.  16
    Machiavelli and the Orders of Violence. Yves Winter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018.John P. McCormick - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):313-316.
  23.  5
    3. Legal Theory and the Weimar Crisis of Law and Social Change.John P. McCormick - 2013 - In John P. McCormick & Peter E. Gordon (eds.), Weimar Thought: A Contested Legacy. Princeton University Press. pp. 55-72.
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  24.  31
    Review Essay: Democratic Theory Confronts the European Union: Prospects for Constitutional and Social Democracy in a Supranational Sektoralstaat.John P. McCormick - 2006 - Political Theory 34 (1):121-131.
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  25.  4
    Introduction. Weimar Thought: Continuity and Crisis.John P. McCormick & Peter E. Gordon - 2013 - In John P. McCormick & Peter E. Gordon (eds.), Weimar Thought: A Contested Legacy. Princeton University Press. pp. 1-12.
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  26. Against Politics as Technology: Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism.John P. Mccormick - 1995 - Dissertation, The University of Chicago
    Over the last decade there has been a veritable explosion of Anglo-American interest in the works of Weimar constitutional and political theorist, Carl Schmitt. There has been concurrently a revival in the treatment of technology as a subject worthy of social-philosophical inquiry. Yet the two scholarly movements have surprisingly passed each other by. Surprisingly because as I demonstrate the German critique of technology is crucial for understanding the works of Schmitt, especially his criticisms of liberalism, and vice versa, theoretical confrontations (...)
     
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  27. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Advancement of Theological Education. [REVIEW]John P. Mccormick - 1959 - The Thomist 22:120.
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  28. Introduction to Schmitt's "The Age of Neutralizations and Depoliticizations ".John P. Mccormick - 1993 - Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 96:119.
     
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  29. Irracjonalny wybór i krwawa walka.John P. McCormick - 2008 - Kronos - metafizyka, kultura, religia 3 (3):78-101.
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  30. Introduction to the New Testament.A. Robert, A. Feuillet, Patrick W. Skehan, Edward P. Arbez, Kathryn Sullivan, Lawrence J. Dannemiller, Edward F. Siegman, John P. McCormick & Martin R. P. McGuire - 1965
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  31.  7
    Labor Republicanism: Symposium on Alex Gourevitch’s From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth: Labor and Republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge University Press, 2014.Geneviève Rousselière, Jason Frank & John P. McCormick - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (4):496-527.
  32.  7
    On Josiah Ober’s Demopolis: Basic Democracy, Economic Inequality and Political Punishment.John P. McCormick - 2019 - Polis 36 (3):535-542.
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  33.  11
    Response to Destri.John P. McCormick - 2016 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (2):217-220.
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  34.  15
    From Roman Catholicism to Mechanized Oppression: On Political‐Theological Disjunctures in Schmitt’s Weimar Thought.John P. McCormick - 2010 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 13 (2-3):391-398.