____On Race and Philosophy__ is a collection of essays written and published across the last twenty years, which focus on matters of race, philosophy, and social and political life in the West, in particular in the US. These important writings trace the author's continuing efforts not only to confront racism, especially within philosophy, but, more importantly, to work out viable conceptions of raciality and ethnicity that are empirically sound while avoiding chauvinism and invidious ethnocentrism. The hope is that such conceptions (...) will assist efforts to fashion a nation-state in which racial and ethnic cultures and identities are recognized and nurtured contributions to a more just and stable democracy. (shrink)
Race and ethnicity are two of the most pervasive aspects of life in America. That there are different races and ethnies, that each person is a member of one or more races and ethnies, is probably taken for granted by most people. And difficulties of various kinds involving race and ethnicity in a variety of ways are abundant. Yet, both raciality and ethnicity—what determines and characterizes a race and an ethnie, respectively; whether or not it is ever appropriate to take (...) race or ethnicity into account when making moral judgments about persons—are hardly settled matters, including whether it is correct to say that races, in particular, even exist. This too is an important aspect of prevailing difficulties. Race, especially, continues to be the focus of intense political struggle, and thus is presently a topic of equally intense and wide-ranging discussion. (shrink)
____On Race and Philosophy__ is a collection of essays written and published across the last twenty years, which focus on matters of race, philosophy, and social and political life in the West, in particular in the US. These important writings trace the author's continuing efforts not only to confront racism, especially within philosophy, but, more importantly, to work out viable conceptions of raciality and ethnicity that are empirically sound while avoiding chauvinism and invidious ethnocentrism. The hope is that such conceptions (...) will assist efforts to fashion a nation-state in which racial and ethnic cultures and identities are recognized and nurtured contributions to a more just and stable democracy. (shrink)
Africana Philosophy is a gathering notion used to cover collectively particular articulations, and traditions of particular articulations, of persons African and African-descended that are to be regarded as instances of philosophizing. (The notion is meant to cover, as well, the philosophizing efforts of persons not African or African-descended, efforts that are, nonetheless, contributions to the philosophizing endeavors that constitute Africana philosophy.) A central concern of the essay is the question whether there are characteristics of the philosophizing practices of persons identified (...) as members of social groups thought to comprise a geographically and historically dispersed and ethnically diverse race that do, or should, distinguish the practices by virtue of being those of persons African and/or African-descended. Is there, can there be, should there be a properly determined field of philosophy that is constituted, first and foremost, by the efforts of persons of a particular race and its ethnic groups? (shrink)
Will professional philosophers contribute in substantial ways toward efforts to realize long-term prospects for justice, stability, and harmony, especially in light of the contentious situations and invidious histories spawned by Western Modernity? Perhaps. Are these tasks for which professional philosophers are especially well-prepared and thus should have primary responsibility? Some among professional philosophers would be so bold—and misguided—as to assign themselves such a vaunted responsibility. Certainly, this has been the case in the past. However, the longer I participate in and (...) think about professional philosophy, the more I am convinced that such an assessment and assignment of responsibility cannot be adequately justified. In what follows, I argue that one’s educational needs cannot be adequately met by professional philosophers alone. (shrink)
The essay is a reflective reconstruction of encounters with persons, writings, and discursive communities involved with “critical social theory” across a decades-long quest for a comprehensive synchronic and diachronic understanding of significant aspects of the social whole of the United States of America, in particular, which understanding was to be the resource for guiding efforts in “emancipatory social transformation”: the overcoming of impediments to the enjoyment by Black people of flourishing lives without invidious racial discrimination and economic exploitation.
The scope of Philosophy in Multiple Voices provides the reader with eight philosophical streams of thought-African-American, Afro-Caribbean, Asian-American, Feminist, Latin-American, Lesbian, Native-American and Queer-that introduce readers to alternative, complex philosophical questions concerning gendered, sexed, racial and ethnic identities, canon formation, and meta-philosophy. The overriding theme of the text is that philosophy is pluralistic in voice, rich in diversity, and ought to valorize democratic intellectual spaces of philosophical engagement.
Examining the situations of African Americans in the U.S.A., Lucius Outlaw's essays illustrate over twenty years of work dedicated to articulating a 'critical theory of society' that would account for issues and limiting-factors affecting African-descended peoples in the U.S. Outlaw envisions a democratic order that is not built upon racist projections of the past, but instead seeks a transformative social theory that would help create a truly democratic social order.
One of the more historically significant developments among efforts to achieve socialism in various places in the world is the Yugoslav case of "self-managing" socialism. This effort at revolutionary social transformation had before it the model of Stalinist Russia and the latter's claim, subsequently backed by force, that it was both the paradigm and the keeper-of-the-definition of Marxian socialism and communism, and of revolutionary practices guided by Marxian theory. But the Yugoslav revolutionaries rejected both this claim and the model in (...) favor of a Marxian socialism in which democracy was to be concretely realized in decentralized forms throughout the society. The theoretical foundations of this rejection lay in a critical reappropriation of the works of Marx and Engels, particularly the early works of Marx, which led to decisive contributions to the Marxian legacy, namely, the development of a tradition of humanistic critical social theory. At the center of this reinterpretation of Marx was the articulation of a philosophical anthropology in which praxis is the definitive characterization of human being, and it thus provides the normative foundations for socialist revolution. Leading the way in this critical reappropriation of Marx was a group of social and political philosophers, among whom are Mihailo Markovic and Svetozar Stojanovic, the focus of Crocker's discussion. (shrink)
